Howard's Sermons and Article Clippings.

Howard's Sermons and Article Clippings.

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Im a Mainline protestant minister who loves serving in multicultural and urban contexts. I'm very interested in how liberation theology and existential-humanistic psychology are applied to the praxis of pastoral care and counseling. My most profound encounters with God come as we sojourn as brothers and sisters seeking the inbreaking of God's reign, here and now.

Thursday, January 31, 2008

John Edward's Prophetic Call for Justice

We came here to the Lower Ninth Ward to rebuild. And we're going to rebuild today and work today, and we will continue to come back. We will never forget the heartache and we'll always be here to bring them hope, so that someday, one day, the trumpets will sound in Musicians' Village, where we are today, play loud across Lake Ponchartrain, so that working people can come marching in and those steps once again can lead to a family living out the dream in America.We sat with poultry workers in Mississippi, janitors in Florida, nurses in California.
We listened as child after child told us about their worry about whether we would preserve the planet.We listened to worker after worker say "the economy is tearing my family apart."We walked the streets of Cleveland, where house after house was in foreclosure.And we said, "We're better than this. And economic justice in America is our cause."

And we spent a day, a summer day, in Wise, Virginia, with a man named James Lowe, who told us the story of having been born with a cleft palate. He had no health care coverage. His family couldn't afford to fix it. And finally some good Samaritan came along and paid for his cleft palate to be fixed, which allowed him to speak for the first time. But they did it when he was 50 years old. His amazing story, though, gave this campaign voice: universal health care for every man, woman and child in America. That is our cause.And we do this -- we do this for each other in America. We don't turn away from a neighbor in their time of need. Because every one of us knows that what -- but for the grace of God, there goes us. The American people have never stopped doing this, even when their government walked away, and walked away it has from hardworking people, and, yes, from the poor, those who live in poverty in this country...

For decades, we stopped focusing on those struggles. They didn't register in political polls, they didn't get us votes and so we stopped talking about it. I don't know how it started. I don't know when our party began to turn away from the cause of working people, from the fathers who were working three jobs literally just to pay the rent, mothers sending their kids to bed wrapped up in their clothes and in coats because they couldn't afford to pay for heat.We know that our brothers and sisters have been bullied into believing that they can't organize and can't put a union in the workplace. Well, in this campaign, we didn't turn our heads. We looked them square in the eye and we said, "We see you, we hear you, and we are with you. And we will never forget you."


And I want to say to everyone here, on the way here today, we passed under a bridge that carried the interstate where 100 to 200 homeless Americans sleep every night. And we stopped, we got out, we went in and spoke to them.There was a minister there who comes every morning and feeds the homeless out of her own pocket. She said she has no money left in her bank account, she struggles to be able to do it, but she knows it's the moral, just and right thing to do. And I spoke to some of the people who were there and as I was leaving, one woman said to me, "You won't forget us, will you? Promise me you won't forget us." Well, I say to her and I say to all of those who are struggling in this country, we will never forget you. We will fight for you. We will stand up for you.But I want to say this -- I want to say this because it's important. With all of the injustice that we've seen, I can say this, America's hour of transformation is upon us. It may be hard to believe when we have bullets flying in Baghdad and it may be hard to believe when it costs $58 to fill your car up with gas. It may be hard to believe when your school doesn't have the right books for your kids. It's hard to speak out for change when you feel like your voice is not being heard.

Cross-racial shootings spark fear in Monrovia

Cross-racial shootings spark fear in Monrovia
Deputies and police are cracking down on gangs after attacks involving blacks and Latinos increase.
By Sam Quinones, Paloma Esquivel and Molly Hennessy-Fiske, Los Angeles Times Staff Writers January 31, 2008

A spasm of cross-racial gang shootings in and around the San Gabriel Valley city of Monrovia has left a 64-year-old African American man and a 16-year-old Latina dead and prompted a law enforcement crackdown to stem the bloodshed.In all, seven people have been killed or wounded in recent weeks, as suspected black and Latino gang members have traded gunfire. At least two of those killed have been bystanders, authorities said.In a series of high-profile operations in recent days, a police task force has served search warrants and arrested three suspects -- one Latino and two blacks.

After three shootings in the last week, Monrovia police and the L.A. County Sheriff's Department have saturated schools and neighborhoods north and south of the Foothill Freeway with additional patrols. Parents have been warned to keep close tabs on their children. "A lot of these kids are terrified right now because somebody out there is playing for real," said Monrovia High School Principal Frank Zepeda, who has been fielding e-mails and phone calls from concerned parents. Speculation was spreading Wednesday among students that the violence was racially motivated. Xavier Gaytan, 17, a junior, said he has noticed tensions between blacks and Latinos on campus, apart from the recent violence."Sometimes you see all the blacks get together on one side and all the Mexicans together on the other side," he said. "Fights sometimes break out over somebody giving somebody else the wrong look."

Some authorities say the recent violence is chiefly about dominance on the streets. The flare-up involves historic rivals: a long-established black street gang, the Du Roc Crips, and two Latino gangs, Monrovia Nuevo Vario and Duarte Eastside. "I don't see it being race-related because the issues between these . . . gangs have been going on forever," said sheriff's Capt. Richard Shaw, who is heading a new task force dispatched to the area. The shootings are a reflection of gang culture, not racial conflict, he said. Helping fan fears in largely tranquil Monrovia, which has been used as a setting for the TV series "Picket Fences" and film depictions of middle America, was the killing Saturday of 16-year-old Samantha Salas. She was walking home from a market near Peck Road. Her father, whom she was visiting, had given her permission to buy some gum."She had to have her Orbitz gum," Samuel Salas said in an interview Wednesday at his home. "You saw the flowers outside on the sidewalk. That's how far she made it."

Samantha Salas, a sophomore at Alhambra High School, was shot eight times, according to a law enforcement source. She and a girlfriend from Monrovia High School, who was wounded, appeared to have been singled out in an attack with "racial overtones," though neither was a gang member, sheriff's Lt. Dan Rosenberg said. Sheriff Lee Baca has promised to clamp down on the area's gangs, calling the Salas shooting "a brutal way of killing an innocent person." Investigators from several agencies swarmed a Monrovia neighborhood Tuesday night. On Jan. 13, Sanders Rollins, 64, was gunned down in his front yard. Investigators suspect Rollins was an innocent victim in a payback shooting for the killing of two Latinos in Duarte last month. Rayshawn Lamar Blackwell, 22, and Nickelis Darnell Blackwell, 25, who authorities said were nephews of Rollins' and lived at the residence, were arrested on suspicion of attempted murder in a separate case. Officials said the charges were not related to the recent killings, but additional details were not available.

As police and sheriff's deputies gathered evidence and made arrests Tuesday night, 19-year-old Brandon Lee, a former football player at Duarte High School, was shot and killed in his yard, a few blocks away. Lee's father, Willie, 43, said his son was not a gang member, but may have been seen with people who were. His son left the neighborhood a few years ago after being wounded in a shooting, he said, but recently returned to attend community college. "They are not just targeting my son," he said. "It's on all blacks, all Mexicans. Something's going on between them." Also arrested Tuesday was a Duarte suspect linked to a Jan. 12 shooting that left a black 16-year-old boy paralyzed.At the Canadian Cafe in downtown Monrovia, which has seen a development revival in recent years, the talk Wednesday was all about gangs. "This is a big thing in Monrovia -- three shootings in a week," said waitress Crystal Ramos. Normally, "you're not afraid to go outside at night. Now I have to take detours. I have to be careful of which street I take."

Across the street from the Peck Road apartment complex where Samantha Salas was killed, two-story homes can be seen above a large brick wall that encloses a recently built subdivision. A resident of the development said he heard gunshots Saturday night, ran to his master bedroom window and saw the two girls lying on the ground."People in this neighborhood are scared to let their children play outside," he said. Monrovia officials scheduled a news conference for this morning, where they were expected to outline efforts to stamp out the violence. "We're determined this is going to stop and stop fast," said Dick Singer, a city spokesman.

Times staff writer Rich Connell contributed to this report.
sam.quinones@latimes.com
paloma.esquivel@latimes.com
molly.hennessy-fiske @latimes.com

Wednesday, January 30, 2008

Winds of change sweep skid row

Winds of change sweep skid row

By Ari B. BloomekatzLos Angeles Times Staff WriterJanuary 25, 2008

Residents charge they are being pressured to move, but Cecil Hotel's new owners say makeover will continue despite threats of a suit. Check-in at the Cecil Hotel had to wait a few minutes because Kerri Torrance, the clerk working the graveyard shift one night in November, had to deal with a heist.A man staying on the 10th floor had called down to report that a woman had grabbed his money and bolted.After the woman dashed through the lobby and burst out the front doors onto Main Street, Torrance called police while a handful of guests waited."She's right out there . . . you see . . . well . . . he said they were doing drugs, cocaine or something," Torrance told police officers.Then she cupped the receiver and mouthed, "I'm sorry, just a minute."
This was not the type of greeting the new owners of the Cecil desire as they try to "re-brand" the 80-year-old hotel between 6th and 7th streets. "We are not a missionary, we are not a halfway house, we are a tourist's hotel," Torrance explained.In its early years, the Cecil and hotels such as the Million Dollar, the Alexandria and the Rosslyn catered to the city's elite out-of-town visitors, and lavish parties were held in their grand ballrooms.When the wealthy abandoned downtown during the Depression, the Cecil and others like it became residential hotels that for generations housed those who were one step above homelessness.But downtown is becoming a hip destination again, and these hotels are sought by developers who say they can turn a profit by luring university students, working professionals and tourists.

A few weeks before the drug robbery, the new owners of the Cecil removed the fuzzy bulletproof glass from the check-in window. Dozens of new lightbulbs glow from antique chandeliers that hang from high ceilings in the renovated lobby.Torrance said the robbery was unusual -- remnants of the "old" Cecil Hotel.That "old" Cecil had quite a reputation. In the 1940s, it was one of the first public meeting places for Alcoholics Anonymous. It was later the sometime home of serial killers Jack Unterweger and Richard "Night Stalker" Ramirez, and is included on a bus tour of eerie Los Angeles crimes.Some long-term residents, such as 77-year-old Saverio "Manny" Maniscalco (14 years) and 30-year resident Michael Sadowe, still call the Cecil "The Suicide" because over the years a number of people have plunged to their deaths from the building.

But the real crime now, skid row activists say, is that longtime residents can't afford the higher rents. One group, the Los Angeles Community Action Network, has sued owners of the Alexandria Hotel over what they allege are prejudiced and illegal housing practices. Earlier this month, one of the group's supporting law firms sent a letter to the new owners of the Cecil, saying that they must stop their redevelopment or face similar legal action. But the Cecil's owners say they are not halting their effort to revive the hotel, which they bought last summer for about $26 million. They have promised to spend an additional $9 million on renovations. A branding firm hired to recast the hotel's image even came up with a possible new name: the Pearl."There's been a big turnaround of clientele, we're getting so many more tourists," Torrance said. "We are changing with downtown, we are changing with the times."

The website booking.com gives the Cecil two stars -- by comparison, the Best Western Hollywood Hills Hotel on Franklin Avenue gets three stars -- and says "if you want to stay at a fun, colorful hotel in an up-and-coming trendy loft area, with cool restaurants and hip shops, you can stay in one of Cecil Hotel's 600 rooms, and save big bucks."Rooms usually cost $50 to $60 a night, depending on whether guests want their own bathrooms. Larger suites can cost about $100 a night.But the rates vary depending on which website is used to book the rooms or whether guests have affordable-housing vouchers. When asked what the rates are, Torrance said they are "moderate" and "appealing" but would not give exact prices. Fresh Monet, Picasso and Kandinsky posters hang on the vivid yellow, red and blue walls next to the elevators on each floor. But around the corner, reality hits: The rooms are small, bugs scamper across the floors and in the dim hallways, one sometimes encounters guests who have been using drugs or alcohol. Fred Cordova, the hotel's new owner and director of the building's renovation, said more changes are coming.He pulled out a map showing buildings north and east of the Cecil that in recent years had been converted into lofts or downtown attractions for the middle class.

The Cecil was the last in a string of developments leading south down Main Street."There is a great need for quality affordable housing downtown," Cordova said. "It'll be classy."Cordova hired a security firm for the Cecil to replace guards who had carried chemical Mace, handcuffs and batons.The new guards wear crisp blue blazers and dark khakis, carrying only a walkie-talkie and badge."These suits have gotten us a lot of respect from the public," said Brandon Foster, head of security at the hotel. "It's a lot less threatening when we approach people."Cordova said that before he purchased the Cecil it was a haven for drug dealers, who would move in for a month and rent rooms for their clients to smoke and shoot up."Paramedics were always showing up," Cordova said. "It was just ridiculous."To make room for new clientele, Cordova worked closely with the Los Angeles Police Department, giving officers access to the hotel and residents that he said previous owners had denied.Foster said it boiled down to "getting a lot of knuckleheads out of here."

Capt. Jodi Wakefield of the LAPD's Central Division remembers that when she began her job downtown three years ago, there were frequent calls to the Cecil -- most involving drugs and prostitution."Now the Cecil very rarely comes across my desk as a concern," Wakefield said. "They have been very receptive to our requests, and it seems to be working."Cordova described his new, hypothetically "perfect" customer as a middle-class tourist looking to stay downtown inexpensively.

That means he's going to have to persuade people such as 24-year-old Nicole Jackson, who was in L.A. recently to see the Spice Girls kick off their reunion tour at Staples Center."My friend and I needed a cheap place to stay," Jackson said after getting out of an airport shuttle in front of the Cecil. "I didn't really want to stay here because of the area . . . but I went on Hotwire and put in the price and was stuck."She was visiting from Columbus, Ohio, where she is a graduate student in history, and said the Cecil reminded her of the bohemian youth hostels she encountered while traveling in Europe, with communal showers and bathrooms, and prevalent drugs and alcohol. After checking in, she settled for a pre-made cold turkey sandwich from the cafe below, smoked a cigarette and looked around.Jackson said she was pleasantly surprised when she entered the hotel, but changed her mind after she went up to her room."The entranceway is unbelievably amazing, and then I turned the corner and was like, 'whoa!' " she said.

Maniscalco and other longtime residents of the Cecil say the hotel and surrounding blocks are safer. But Maniscalco doesn't kid himself; he knows the improvements were not devised with him in mind. Management has moved him twice in recent months, but so far he hasn't taken the hint. "Where else am I going to go?" he said.He arrived on skid row in the 1970s after working odd jobs around the country and falling into alcoholism. He says he's been sober for years -- and feels that the stability of the Cecil has helped keep him on the straight and narrow.He collects about $900 a month from Social Security, paying $471 for rent."This is my last stop," he said. "I don't have anywhere else. No family or nothing."Maniscalco knows that tourists are paying higher rates and said that in recent months airport shuttles and charter buses have been dropping off dozens of travelers at the hotel. Cecil employees say that over a month, a tourist may pay about twice as much as a low-income resident.
Alvin Taylor has lived at the Cecil for 25 years. Unlike Maniscalco, Taylor said he refused managers' requests to move out of his room on the 10th floor. His room, which in a typical house would be about the size of the dining room, is packed with belongings, including three 27-inch televisions, each hooked to a VCR. "I watch everything," Taylor said.Last Christmas, Taylor went back to Texas -- "I gotta see my momma," he said -- one of the few times in the last decade that he has stayed overnight anywhere other than the Cecil. Taylor moved to Los Angeles from Houston in the 1970s when he was diagnosed with leukemia, and thought the weather and doctors would be better in Southern California.He's been downtown since, mostly unemployed and on disability. He said that soon after new owners took over the hotel, maintenance crews came to work on some pipes in his room. As they began, Taylor said cockroaches flooded out of a hole in the wall. "Oh yeah," he said, "I've got roaches."Maniscalco and Taylor are among 90 to 110 long-term residents -- depending on who is counting -- and both said they are worried about rising rates and eviction.

Last fall, the two men walked a few blocks down Main Street to tell Pete White and Becky Dennison of the Los Angeles Community Action Network about their problems with the Cecil's new owners."I think they want us to move for one reason," Taylor told White. "Because they don't want us to be residents. They're trying to turn it into a tourist attraction."Cordova said he is staying within the law and paying little attention to complaints from the community group.He said his ambitions are reasonable and that he has no illusions about the neighborhood.Still, he promises that the Cecil's makeover will continue and said he is seriously considering renaming the venerable hotel "the Pearl.""Because the world is your oyster," he said, showing sketches of what the new name would look like on the side of the building. "Maybe we'll get a third star."ari.bloomekatz@latimes.com

Reformers ask council to back off

Reformers ask council to back off

Civic leaders urge the panel not to veto a Police Commission disclosure policy that has angered officers.
By Joel Rubin, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer January 30, 2008

A Los Angeles City Council effort to overturn a Police Commission policy requiring officers to disclose personal financial information seemed destined for failure Tuesday, as civic and reform leaders warned that the council's intervention was undermining the commission's authority over the Police Department.For the second straight week, Councilman Jack Weiss, who has publicly called for a veto of the policy, held a lengthy committee meeting on the issue Tuesday and failed to secure a vote recommending the council reject the commission's plan.Despite the setbacks, Weiss insisted that the council's decision to get involved had produced results; Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa has agreed to seek a federal court order that, if granted, would add greater protections against the release of officers' personal information.Pressure on council members to abandon the veto increased this week as former U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher and others warned that any such move "would seriously undermine the confidence of the people" in the city's willingness to fulfill a broad set of reforms imposed on the Los Angeles Police Department in 2000 after the Rampart corruption scandal. The LAPD has been under federal oversight ever since.
"The interests should be weighed by the expert body, by the people dealing with this day in and day out," Christopher said. "It would be unfortunate to have someone else substitute their opinion instead."Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce President Gary Toebben, who also signed the letter, echoed Christopher, saying, "We just have to move forward."Along with Christopher, who led a major reform campaign after the 1991 beating of Rodney G. King, and Toebben, 15 other prominent civil rights leaders and reform advocates signed the letter, including many who have closely followed developments at the LAPD for years. Los Angeles Urban League President Blair Taylor, United Way Chief Executive Elise Buik and George David Kieffer, who helped write the City Charter, were among the council's critics.Tim Sands, president of the Police Protective League, which opposes the commission policy, rejected the letter's message, saying that Christopher and the others were more concerned about ending the federal oversight of LAPD than the merits of the plan."Nowhere in their letter do the well-intentioned civic leaders suggest that the financial disclosure plan under discussion should be implemented because it will be effective at rooting out or preventing corruption," he said in a prepared statement. The policy, which was approved last month, is aimed at helping supervisors identify rogue cops who are taking bribes or involved in other illegal activities. It requires the roughly 600 officers in narcotics and anti-gang units, who frequently handle cash, drugs and other contraband, to periodically submit detailed information about their income, assets and debts. Officers now in the units would have a two-year reprieve to decide whether to comply or transfer to other assignments.

Commissioners and Police Chief William J. Bratton had hoped that the policy would satisfy a final, unresolved part of the court-ordered consent decree the city agreed to after the Rampart scandal. Until the department has shown that all the decree's reforms are in place, the judge overseeing the agreement has made clear that the LAPD will continue to operate under federal control.The commission's disclosure policy set off a flood of angry opposition by rank-and-file officers and police union leaders, who argued that the strategy would do little to stop corruption but would invade officers' privacy. Union officials, backed by Dist. Atty. Steve Cooley and L.A. County Sheriff Lee Baca, said hundreds of officers would request transfers instead of handing over the information.

Amid the upheaval, at Weiss' urging, the council asserted jurisdiction over the issue to consider a veto. Since then, the debate has foundered in the council's Public Safety Committee, which Weiss heads. Councilman Ed Reyes said he grew so frustrated during a closed-session committee meeting Tuesday morning that he stormed out, leaving only Weiss and Councilman Grieg Smith. He angrily dismissed Weiss' efforts, saying the two-week discussion was playing "Russian roulette" with the safety of residents in poor, violent neighborhoods, who rely heavily on the work of the anti-gang and narcotics units. Better to implement the policy, he said, and replace any officers who refuse to comply with others who will, in order to keep the units on the streets.Councilman Dennis Zine also criticized Weiss, saying it was a "disingenuous" effort to win favor with the influential Police Protective League. "He has no place to go with this, he has backed himself into a corner," Zine said of the push for a veto. Weiss declined to say if he would agree to drop the idea of a council veto, saying only that in light of the mayor's promise to seek the protective order, he would confer with other committee members "whether it is advisable to proceed."The issue is on the agenda for the council's meeting today, but it remained unclear whether it would be discussed or postponed. The council has until Tuesday to act or let the policy stand.

joel.rubin@latimes.com

Tuesday, January 29, 2008

Governor Schwarzenegger Approves Measures to Fight Gang Violence

Governor Schwarzenegger Approves Measures to Fight Gang Violence

10/11/2007
Governor Schwarzenegger today announced that he has signed legislation to fight gang violence in California. The package of bills will advance the Governor’s California Gang Reduction, Intervention and Prevention (CalGRIP) Initiative. One proposal establishes the Office of Gang and Youth Violence Policy; others are focused on education for youthful offenders, witness protection, anti-gang violence parenting classes and civil remedies that would allow a landlord to evict a gang offender.
“Too many innocent people have been injured and killed in gang-related crimes,” Governor Schwarzenegger said. “These bills will help put a stop to this violence by providing law enforcement officials with the tools they need to identify and prosecute violent gang members. In addition, these bills will provide opportunities for young offenders to turn their lives around and become productive members of society.”
The following bills have been signed into law by the Governor:
AB 1381 by Assemblymember Fabian Nunez (D-Los Angeles) establishes the Office of Gang and Youth Violence Policy and requires it to administer various federal grants relative to juvenile justice including street gang crime prevention.
AB 1300 by Assemblymember Curren D. Price, Jr. (D-Inglewood) expands the law to include comprehensive education to youthful offenders, in addition to training, treatment and rehabilitative services. This new legislation provides that the services be designed to promote family ties, in addition to community restoration and accountability to victims and to produce youth who become law-abiding and productive members of society.
AB 1291 by Assemblymember Tony Mendoza (D-Artesia) provides that if a minor is found to be a delinquent ward of the court by reason of the commission of a gang-related offense and the court finds that the minor is a first-time offender and orders that a parent or guardian retain custody of that minor, the court may order the parent or guardian to attend anti-gang violence parenting classes.
AB 1013 by Assemblymember Paul Krekorian (D-Burbank) adds the circumstance of a person who commits an offense involving use of illegal weapons or ammunition or uses the premises to further that purpose to those circumstances that are deemed to constitute a nuisance which may allow a landlord to evict a gang offender.
SB 594 by Senator Gloria Romero (D-Los Angeles) renames the “Witness Protection Program” to the “Witness Relocation and Assistance Program.” It also authorizes reimbursement to state and local agencies for providing support, advocacy and other services for witnesses' safe, long-term transition and well-being into a new environment.

Last month, the Governor appointed former U.S. Attorney Paul Seave as his Director of Gang and Youth Violence Policy. The Governor also appointed twelve advisory team members to help build comprehensive, long-term strategies to fight gang violence.
“I am pleased to be a part of this ground-breaking legislation that combines tough enforcement with prevention,” Seave said. “A key component of this anti-gang bill package focuses on the rehabilitation of vulnerable youth who are often coerced through fear and intimidation into joining gangs. I commend the authors of these bills for their commitment to this important issue.”
In May, the Governor introduced CalGRIP to confront the recent dramatic increase in gangs across the state and their proliferation in suburban and rural areas. There are more than 420,000 gang members statewide. Gangs are responsible for crimes including money laundering, extortion, narcotic production and sales, prostitution, human trafficking, assassinations for hire, theft and counterfeiting. In spite of an overall decrease in crime in most California cities since the 1990s, rates of gang-related violent crime remain steady. The CalGRIP strategy targets more than $31 million in state and federal funding toward local anti-gang efforts, including intervention, suppression and prevention. The program will double funding for witness protection from the state Victims Restitution Fund to a total of $6 million. CalGRIP will also establish a "High Risk Gang Offender" designation to subject offenders to special parole conditions that limit their ability to recruit children into gangs and limit their access to gang-infested areas. CalGRIP will also develop a list of community organizations that rehabilitate and provide job training to former gang members, as a resource for businesses interested in hiring them. It redirects $1.1 million in uncommitted, discretionary Juvenile Accountability Block Grants for programs targeting at-risk youth. The Governor’s enacted 2007-08 Budget invests a total of $547 million in after-school programs and another $208 million in school counselors to give at-risk kids alternatives to gang life. In July, Governor Schwarzenegger signed SB 271 to give prosecutors more tools in the fight against gangs, AB 104 to give city attorneys the tools they need to pursue gang injunctions and two other anti-gang measures to assist cities in curbing the source of income that funds gang activity, SB 706 and AB 924.
In August, consistent with CalGRIP, Governor Schwarzenegger committed additional California Highway Patrol officers to patrol in Oakland in response to a recent spike in homicides and a request from Mayor Ron Dellums. Under the program, additional California Highway Patrol officers will rotate through 90-day deployments in High Intensity Gang Areas.Over the past several months the Governor has met with mayors, law enforcement, faith-based and community organizations, local officials and legislators to discuss how communities across the state are fighting gangs and what resources they need to strengthen their success.

Sunday, January 27, 2008

People of Faith Rally for Darfur

People of Faith Rally for Darfur

Six perspectives on why Jews, Christians, and Muslims have joined forces to rally for an end to genocide in Darfur. Beliefnet asked leaders of six faith groups on the executive committee of the Save Darfur Coalition to answer the following questions:

Why should people of your faith care about what is happening in Darfur?
What concrete steps should they take to help end the violence in Sudan?

On April 30, 2006, the Save Darfur Coalition is rallying in Washington, D.C., to urge the U.S. government to take action to end the carnage in western Sudan, where millions of people live under threat of being slaughtered by government-backed militias. According to reports by the World Food Program, the United Nations, and the Coalition for International Justice, 3.5 million people are now hungry, 2.5 million have been displaced, and 400,000 people have died in Darfur since the conflict began in 2003
Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, founder, American Society for Muslim Advancement The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, is of world importance, and most important to Muslims, because our brothers and sisters are dying there. It is our obligation as Muslims to make sure genocide does not happen anywhere at any time. The Qur’an is quite explicit about how the life of an innocent may not be taken without justice, and that is what is going on in Darfur.Genocide in general is a very horrible thing that must be eradicated. But this situation in Darfur should be even more important to us because these are Muslims killing other Muslims, which is something we need to raise our voices against loud and strong. So I urge the U.S. Muslim community, especially those in the Washington, D.C., area, to come out and participate in the march against genocide on April 30, 2006.
Muslims are being challenged on many fronts these days. We have many issues--the war in Iraq, racial profiling, taking Islam back from extremists, building coalitions with other faith groups--that our community is addressing. There’s a certain element of being overwhelmed by the variety of problems we are facing, a sort of activism-fatigue. But, though this is our reality, we cannot turn our backs on the Muslims of Darfur.
There are things we can do. First, we need to galvanize ourselves around the issue and bring it to the forefront of our consciousness. This can be done by speaking about the genocide in Darfur at Friday prayers and holding lectures about it at mosques and Islamic community centers across the country. Second, we need to build coalitions with individuals and institutions to build a critical mass of people supporting some sort of resolution to end the genocide.And last--and this is nothing new--we need to write to our respective congressmen and senators to make our position clear. The U.S. government is of course against the genocide, but if we make ourselves heard as a strong, unified Muslim voice, then government policy can be driven by the sentiment of the people. It’s a grassroots effort, but it should be a key part of our efforts to make some sort of end to the unfortunate situation in Sudan. But the easiest thing of all that Muslims can do is just show up on April 30 in Washington, D.C. This is our community that is suffering. We must express ourselves.
Ruth Messinger, President, American Jewish World ServiceThe simplest answer is that everybody should care. There have been a number of genocides in the past 60 years since the Holocaust. We’ve lived through Cambodia, Bosnia, Rwanda, South Sudan, and now Darfur, and I think the world is gradually waking up to the fact that genocide is a problem of immense evil for which there’s not full understanding or predictability. But if there’s going to be any meaning to the concept of "never again," it’s clear that people have got to organize politically, ideally to predict genocides and stop them before they start, but certainly to stop them once they’ve been initiated. So, a big piece of this is simply a humanitarian or a human responsibility. The Jewish community has a particular interest in the phenomenon of genocide and knows not only what genocide means but, perhaps more strikingly, knows the danger of silence from the international community in the face of this kind of evil. And I believe that it’s partly out of that experience that there’s been such a significant response from the Jewish community to the crisis in Darfur. And we at AJWS, both as a member of the Save Darfur Coalition, promoting its activities and, independently, have tried to do as much as possible to stimulate a full Jewish response. What we’re looking for the Jewish community to do is to be present, both physically with their bodies at the rally in Washington on April 30, but also to share the story of what’s happening in Darfur broadly in their communities, to be involved in the Web-based electronic postcard, “Million Voices For Darfur” campaign, to continue to read up on the issue, and to arrange for themselves or other people to speak about this crisis in the various parts of the Jewish community, from congregations to organizations to schools.
Rabbi Marla J. Feldman, Director of Social Action, Religious Action Center of the Union for Reform Judaism and Central Conference of American Rabbis The answer to the question of why Jews should care about Darfur is two-fold. In large part, the answer comes from the Jewish community's historical experience. Jews empathize with the victims of ethnic cleansing because we have been victims ourselves. We work to aid the weak and desperate refugees because not so long ago, we were refugees and very few individuals helped us. While some did and we acknowledge them and we honor them, far too many others did not. And that historical memory stays with us. From a religious perspective, there's a very clear mandate in our tradition to care about the weak and the vulnerable. Jewish tradition commands that you shall not stand idly by the blood of your neighbor. In our global village, we're all neighbors. And so, we can't be bystanders and stand by when children are targets of soldiers, when women and girls are raped as part of a military strategy. We can't stand idly by as villages are being destroyed or offer empty promises when people are being terrorized into leaving their homes. That's what happened to our community and we know better.
In the cases of Bosnia and Kosovo, the Jewish community was front and center in efforts in those travesties. In the case of Africa, there are fewer groups with a lot of political clout and experience in organizing that would be natural leaders in this issue, in which case the—it's even more important that the faith community step up and bring its experience to the table and organize these coalitions on Sudan. The first and most immediate step for Jews is to take part in the rally in Washington on April 30. As Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel said when he marched in Selma, Alabama with the civil rights marchers in the 1960s, he felt as if his feet were praying. We should all be praying with our feet on Sunday, April 30, at the Rally to End Genocide in Washington, D.C.

For those who can't come to the rally, the Million Voices Campaign is an effort to garner a million signatures and postcards to deliver to elected officials to let them know that we want them to intercede on behalf of the victims in Sudan. We want them to take action in the international arena, to work with our partners at the United Nations, with NATO and wherever there is help to be had in supporting the African Union troops and relief efforts on behalf of the victims. Second, find other ways to let your elected officials know that you care about what's happening in Darfur and that you want them to use their resources to help.And third, educate yourself and others about what's going on. I think when people hear about genocide, they care. One of the things that Elie Wiesel has said is that the real crime that took place in the Holocaust was the crime of indifference, that one was either a victim or a perpetrator or a bystander. And we can't let that happen again.So, if we've learned anything from our past, it's that we can't be bystanders. We have to speak up. We have to educate ourselves and others. And when we do that, people will not be bystanders. They will step up. They will rally. They will speak out. They will let their elected officials know that we care.

The Rev. Richard Cizik, Vice President for Governmental Affairs, the National Association of EvangelicalsThe answer is rooted in the scriptures, which say that every person is important. The people of the world have rights that came from God himself. They are inheritors of the image of God, and because everyone is so valuable to God, it’s incumbent upon us, his stewards on this earth, to take the kinds of actions that would represent him. And the scope and the scale of what is occurring in Sudan and, particularly, Darfur—the wanton killing, the displacement of civilians—requires us to speak out and to act. It’s a simple biblical duty.

It is our responsibility as Christians to speak out. And it’s the responsibility of our public officials who are held accountable by God to do so. For example, we’ve just celebrated Easter, and one cannot go through the period of Lent and Easter without remembering the conversation that went on between Jesus and Pilate, in which Pilate says to Jesus, “Don’t you know that I have the power to release you or crucify you?” And Jesus humbly responds to Pilate, the highest political authority of his day, by saying, “You have no power except that be given you from above.” By that, Jesus meant that the political rulers—rulers of this kingdom, this age, of this time—they will be held accountable to God. And so, we’ve urged the President to do more to speak up. I think that our top officials, including the President, feel this deeply and the President has shown his commitment. But, he has to take further actions at this critical time.

The first thing that people of faith can do is pray. I really believe prayer is that important. Second, they can join coalitions. Churches can band together, and with synagogues and others speak out on such a day as Save Darfur Day. They can, very practically, go to the website, Savedarfur.org, and issue an e-mail postcard to the President. They can call their member of Congress and urge their own members of Congress to pass legislation. It is essential for Christians to understand that the policy of the world to play down genocide and hope it will just go away is a bankrupt policy, not just practically, but morally. And for sure, there are no neat solutions to this problem, but ignoring this is not going to work, and we cannot turn our eyes away from it. And so, the very first action, even before prayer, is to wake up and look out around us. There is a sin of omission as well as comission, and I think to ignore this brutality is a sin of omission. And it’s shameful not to notice when these terrified villagers have their own children, their own babies, grabbed out of their arms and shot and killed. This is not something we can turn our eyes away from. And it requires all of the aforementioned actions on our part. Because Christians got involved and were concerned about south Sudan, the world’s attention has more easily shifted to see what’s going on in Darfur. Christian people have played an enormous role in this; they deserve credit and encouragement to go on to greater acts of love and charity in Christ’s name.
The Rev. Dr. Robert Edgar, General Secretary, National Council of Churches

As people of faith, we are called by God to care for those who are being tortured, raped, killed. And all of us know that we were silent when more than a million people were killed in Rwanda in a 90-day period. A few years ago, we learned of the genocide taking place in Darfur. And we were shocked to discover that no Western government had ever used the word "genocide" during a genocide or intervened effectively in a genocide. And so, the National Council of Churches and other religious leaders have done a good job of getting the President and the Secretary of State to at least name it a genocide.
And it's important for the faith community across the country to stand up and speak out, that this become more of an important issue and we stop the killing. There are two scriptures that motivate my life. One is the Beatitudes where Jesus says, blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called the children of God. And also, his words in Matthew's scripture where he says, blessed are those who care for the least of these, our brothers and sisters on planet earth. I don't think you can read the Old or New Testament without a strong commitment for love of the poor and love of those who are oppressed. And no really faithful person can turn his or her eyes or mind or backs on people when they're being crushed in the way in which they're being crushed in Darfur. Eighteen months ago, I took a bold step by getting arrested doing an act of non-violent civil disobedience at the Sudan Embassy to lift this issue higher in people's consciousness. But ordinary citizens across the country can do three effective things. First, they can meet with their local House member, invite them to their church, ask them to come to speak on Darfur or go to their office and talk to them directly. Eye contact with elected officials is crucial.

Number two: Bring this issue to the attention of the community that worships on Saturday or Sunday in their local community. Stand up and speak about it. Pray about it. Work to educate the local community. And third: Write letters to the editor asking newspapers and radio and television outlets why there isn't more information on what's happening in Darfur. Recently, The New York Times had an article reporting that the U.N. can't get an investigative team into Darfur because of the reluctance of the Khartoum government to provide visas. That's an outrage, and the international community needs to stand up and speak out. More people are dying every minute that action is not taken.

Bishop John H. Ricard, U.S. Council of Catholic Bishops

What is happening in Darfur affects our brothers and sisters, and Catholics should be concerned with what happens to members of the human family throughout the world. They're suffering egregiously, losing livelihood, losing family members, starving, oppressed. Responding to them is the responsibility of every Christian. It's the mandate of the Christian gospel, at the very core of our faith as Christians.I certainly would think the passage from St. Matthew's gospel: "I was hungry and you gave me food, naked and you clothed me, away from home and you welcomed me in" is a mandate for every Christian to live up to. And it's fidelity to that gospel which propels us to become involved.The parable of the Good Samaritan, in the example of Jesus himself, who reached out to everyone, especially the poor and the dispossessed, is another scriptural guide.The first thing Catholics ought to do is keep the people of Darfur and Sudan in their prayers. Their prayers are very important. A prayer for peace, stability, and for an end to the suffering.Second, Catholics should support The Catholic Relief Services, which is the official arm of the Catholic Church for international relief and development. Catholic Relief Services has been in Sudan for more than 30 years and is presently in Darfur with a very extensive program, providing food, shelter, clothing, and some defense for people in need of assistance. And third, Catholics should become involved in public policy by contacting their representatives, their senators, and the White House. Catholics should feel obligated to speak to encourage the government to become far more involved in the peace process and in providing security assistance and aid to the people of Darfur.

Witness to Hope

Witness to hope

New Orleans Presbyterians are coming to terms with the "new reality" by making their city a laboratory for creative ministryBy Robyn Leary

Work in progress: St. Charles Avenue Presbyterian Church youth group taking a break from cleaning out a flooded home. Photo by Lawton FabacherAlan Cutter knows something about stressful situations, having served in the Navy during the Vietnam conflict. He left a pastorate in Duluth, Minn., to accept a call to be general presbyter of South Louisiana Presbytery in July 2006, less than a year after Hurricane Katrina inundated the presbytery’s largest city. Cutter gets excited when he describes his concept of New Orleans as a “laboratory” for new ministry.
“We’re a place looking for new ideas, and we’re open to testing them out,” he says. The challenge now, as he sees it, is to help people move from being survivors to being witnesses.
“A witness is someone who can reflect back upon what happened to them and make a connection to God’s story. When survivors do that,” he explains, “they’re able to move forward. Instead of living in desperation, as many of the survivors of Katrina do, they can live in hope. They come to terms with the new reality around them.”
When Hurricane Katrina devastated the Mississippi and Louisiana Gulf Coasts in August 2005, it destroyed or severely damaged the social fabric of large and vital communities. As a result it has profoundly affected the ministries of Presbyterian pastors and congregations.
“Ministry can’t be done the way it’s always been done — it’s not going to be effective in a post-Katrina world,” says Lisa Easterling, chair of South Louisiana Presbytery’s Committee on Ministry.
In post-Katrina New Orleans exciting new visions for “doing church” are beginning to emerge. Called to ministry that matters. Prior to the hurricane there were 19 Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) congregations in the greater New Orleans area. One church has since dissolved because so many of its members did not return to the city. The nine remaining members of another church joined a neighboring Baptist congregation. Others are continuing with fewer than half the members they had before the storm. Eight pastors have left their congregations.
Reborn for a new mission: the newly renovated sanctuary of Lakeview Presbyterian Church. Church secretary Amelie Welman says the large hanging cross is one of the few things that “survived the storm and has become a symbol of what we were before.”
Under these circumstances, taking a church job in New Orleans might seem like a daunting prospect. So Don Frampton, pastor of St. Charles Avenue Presbyterian Church, was gratified last year by the number of applications the church received for an assistant pastor’s post on the staff. “Not only did it surprise us, it humbled us; told us we were not alone,” he says. “What it indicates is a keen interest on the part of many ministerial candidates for putting themselves into a situation where mission is foremost.”
Kelly Hostetler, who accepted a call to the position last June, says, “I was looking for a position first and a location second. But I did want to go some place where there was going to be some real meaning, where I was going to be doing something that really mattered.”
Others also are hearing the call. “Not in the sense of Paul on the road to Damascus, where there’s a sudden blinding light,” says Claire Vonk Brooks, who became pastor at the Chinese Presbyterian Church in Kenner, La., last year. The congregation had been torn apart as members left to seek employment after Katrina. “People who went to Houston found better jobs, or the jobs our people had in New Orleans before the storm no longer exist.”
Still, Brooks accepted the challenge. She defines God’s call as “what you do when it seems impossible to do anything else.”
Difficult decisions
For many New Orleans residents, deciding whether to return to the city or stay away has been an agonizing choice. Nina Bryant-Sanyika served as pastor of Berean Presbyterian Church in New Orleans before Katrina. It is the oldest African-American Presbyterian Church in Louisiana, established in the 1800s. Like most in her congregation, Bryant-Sanyika fled to Houston when the hurricane hit. For 12 months she commuted back to New Orleans every Sunday to preach.
“Most of the time I’d leave Houston on Friday and fly out of New Orleans on Sunday,” she says. “I did it for a year. Finally, it was too much [strain] on my body and on my savings account.” Like many other pastors evacuated from New Orleans, Bryant-Sanyika has settled and found work elsewhere, in her case as a hospital chaplain in Houston. “We still know people who are talking about leaving,” says Easterling, who is also pastor of First Union Presbyterian Church in Luling, La. “We’ve had people leave, we’ve had people come back. When you don’t know if the levees will hold or what’s in store this hurricane season, it can go either way. People are still unsettled.”
In one case, flooding left a church submerged under six feet of water for three weeks. “The congregation was dispersed, so the minister just never came back,” Easterling says. Another pastor left out of concern for his children’s education. “When you don’t have schools and you have small children, you have to find ways to school them.” Money is another factor pastors must weigh, adds Easterling. Can they afford to serve congregations that have lost so many members they cannot offer the same salaries they did before the storm? “You can’t come to churches that can’t pay you a living wage.”
Jean Marie Peacock, former associate pastor of Lakeview Presbyterian Church, returned one month after the storm to find her congregation dispersed and the sanctuary an unusable mess. “The building was heavily damaged, flooded with seven feet of water for about three weeks until the water was drained from the city,” she says. Today the church is still without a landline telephone.
“We’ve been in dramatic transition since Katrina,” says Peacock, who was vice moderator of the 2004 General Assembly. “Initially, the response people had was one of just trying to get some things in order — a place to live, children situated in school. And then you move on.”
But more than two years later, she observes, “there’s a growing fatigue with the way things are, and the continuing stress and struggle of living in New Orleans post-Katrina. There are frustrations about the response of the federal government and the slowness of assistance coming in.”
A changing mission
But the stress New Orleans Presbyterians are experiencing has not dampened their sense of mission. “There is also the strong desire to continue the work of Christ in the midst of this [devastation],” Peacock says. “So we are now faced with developing and creating new ministries that you might never have expected you’d be called to do as a congregation before, where suddenly you are hosting volunteers from various parts of the country and organizing efforts to help people rebuild their homes. All of this has forced our ministry to change.”
In 2006 Peacock became associate presbyter pro-tem in charge of congregational development and disaster recovery. Her work focuses on helping people get their homes rebuilt, with or without government assistance.

Rebuilding Hope:

St. Charles Avenue members host volunteers who come to help rebuild. Photo by Lawton FabacherSt. Charles Avenue Presbyterian Church, the largest congregation in South Louisiana Presbytery, has started a rebuilding program called “RHINO” — “Rebuilding Hope in New Orleans.” Members of the congregation founded the group while they were evacuated in Houston. Each week a building adjacent to the sanctuary houses 30 volunteers who come to New Orleans to help rebuild. Last August RHINO partnered with Habitat for Humanity to work on new construction.
“Our goal is to rebuild an entire block,” says Sarah Edgcombe, coordinator of the project. “That’s 14 homes in the Hollygrove neighborhood in uptown New Orleans.”
“I believe the church has a major role to play in helping to shape a new life in the community,” Peacock says. The new community she and other church leaders envision is “one where all people are cared for — poor and rich alike, black and white. Where old barriers are broken down and the welfare of all is uplifted.” Robyn Leary is a New York City-based freelance writer/producer.






Beyond business as usual
A church secretary finds “there’s no real job description here now”
Continuing the work of Christ: Lakeview members Bill Neitzer, left, and Frank Heuer unloading boxes of books donated to the church library after Hurricane Katrina Only a few residents have returned to New Orleans’ Lakeview neighborhood since Hurricane Katrina submerged it under 6–8 feet of water. One of them is Amelie Welman, the secretary at Lakeview Presbyterian Church. Actually Welman was not even living in hard-hit Lakeview before Katrina, but she moved there to help her church.
“I felt God was calling me to come back and to at least try to be part of putting the pieces back together,” she says. “There’s no real job description here now — you just do what has to be done when it has to be done.”
The first task for Welman and Lakeview’s pastor, Neale Miller, was locating church members. “We set up phone banks in the presbytery office in Baton Rouge and just tried to find out where everyone was,” Miller says.
Welman’s procrastination in returning the church’s laptop computer turned out to be a blessing. “I was able to start putting information on our Web site and checking our email.” She was able to have the church’s phone number rolled over to her cell phone, so “people who’d just kept calling the church for weeks and weeks were finally able to get through.”
Worship and church school have resumed at Lakeview amidst continued rebuilding. A rededication service for the church is scheduled for January 27. The church hosts community meals — mostly outdoor cookouts — that serve as a magnet for those who have returned. The church’s day school reopened in fall 2007 but is using the facilities of a neighboring Methodist church while its own building is repaired.
Church members are pressing government officials to enact policies and appropriations that will hasten the recovery of their neighborhood.
Before the storm members of the congregation had been canvassing the Lakeview neighborhood, “looking for new ways to serve the community,” says elder Robert Johnson. “Now it’s an even higher priority.”
Welman says she doesn’t blame anyone who has chosen not to return to New Orleans. “It’s not normal living here, and we Americans like normal living,” she says.
“It’s easy to become very insular — do your thing Sunday to Sunday — business as usual,” Miller says. “Well, that’s by the board. We have to rethink everything we’re doing, and it’s made me and our session much more aware of the world beyond our doors.”
—Jerry L. Van Marter, Presbyterian News Service
How you can help Hurricane recoveryUntil churches along the Gulf coast begin growing again and becoming financially secure, Presbyterians in other parts of the country can help:
Larger-membership churches can become partners with smaller-membership churches along the Gulf, providing volunteers for rebuilding, prayer support and financial assistance.
Retired pastors with other sources of income and the ability to relocate for a few years can provide leadership for smaller churches while they rebuild their membership and financial resources.
For more information about how to help in the New Orleans area, contact Deborah Corrao at Project Homecoming, a rebuilding initiative of the Presbytery of South Louisiana, 3700 Gentilly Blvd., New Orleans, LA 70122; (504) 942-0444.
To learn about, volunteer for and support rebuilding efforts along the Mississippi and Louisiana coasts, visit the Presbyterian Disaster Assistance Web site, or call PresbyTel at 800-872-3283.

Hopes rise as Kenyan rivals talk

Hopes rise as Kenyan rivals talk

Kibaki and Odinga meet with mediator Kofi Annan, who calls it an encouraging step.
By Edmund SandersLos Angeles Times Staff WriterJanuary 25, 2008 NAIROBI, KENYA

— The two rivals at the center of Kenya's bitter election dispute met Thursday and shook hands, offering a potential breakthrough in the violent political standoff that has crippled this East African nation.In their first meeting since the disputed Dec. 27 presidential vote, President Mwai Kibaki and opposition leader Raila Odinga met with former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan for about an hour. Then they emerged from the presidential office side by side, smiling broadly and vowing to work together.
The sight of the men shaking hands drew shouts of joy and applause from onlookers. Hoping to ease the public's growing anxiety, the government temporarily lifted its emergency ban on live television so broadcasters could cover the event."I felt such relief to see them shaking hands," said Gladys Mumo, 32, standing outside the presidential compound in Nairobi. "We want peace. Our children aren't going to school because of this fracas. As a mother, I see things moving in the right direction."

Annan, who arrived in Kenya this week to mediate talks, joined Kibaki and Odinga in calling upon Kenyans to maintain peace and be patient while negotiations continue. The meeting marked a turning point in Kenya's political crisis, but experts cautioned that tough issues still must be resolved in the coming days and weeks."This is a very encouraging development," Annan said. Both Kibaki and Odinga claim to have won the presidential election. Kibaki, the incumbent, was declared the winner by the nation's election commission, but international observers and local watchdog groups reported evidence of widespread tallying fraud. The dispute set off nationwide riots and ethnic clashes that have killed more than 600 people, displaced 250,000 and cost Kenya an estimated $1 billion. The turmoil has devastated the economy and tarnished the country's reputation as a model African democracy.
Kibaki expressed optimism that a resolution could be reached."I will personally lead our country in promoting unity, tolerance, peace and harmony among Kenyans," he said. But in his remarks, he did not acknowledge allegations of voter fraud and made it a point to emphasize the legitimacy of his presidency. When it was his turn to speak, aides quickly brought out a special podium with the government seal, and he referred to himself as Kenya's "duly elected president."Odinga called upon his supporters to maintain calm."I ask everyone to be patient and uphold peace in the spirit of brotherhood that all of us have always believed in."But at a news conference Thursday evening, opposition leaders criticized Kibaki's claim of being "duly elected," saying the characterization undermined the peace negotiations.Analysts said Thursday's meeting was a good first step.
Many believe that Kibaki and Odinga, who were political allies just five years ago, can reach a compromise if they negotiate in person. U.S. Ambassador Michael E. Ranneberger blamed "hard-liners" on both sides for keeping the men apart and sabotaging previous mediation efforts. Odinga had refused to meet with Kibaki unless international observers were present. Their mutual animosity was apparent during parliament's opening session this month, when the men did not greet each other and seemed to avoid eye contact. Rhetoric in recent days had been rising. Kibaki allies have accused Odinga of orchestrating "genocide" against tribes that didn't support him. Odinga, in turn, balked at negotiating with a rival he has labeled a "killer" and "thief. "
But both sides faced growing pressure to come to the negotiating table. Western donors have refused to recognize Kibaki's presidency and have threatened sanctions. Meanwhile, many Kenyans are growing weary of Odinga's calls for nationwide protests, which often erupt in violence. Potential compromises that might arise from the talks include a coalition government or power-sharing arrangement.Odinga suggested last week that he would accept a co-presidency or vice presidency as long as Kibaki agreed to a schedule of government reforms and clearly-del ineated powers. Another option would be creating a prime minister position for Odinga.Kibaki has indicated a willingness to form a coalition government, but has not offered details. He drew criticism from the United States and other Western governments Jan. 8 when he appointed a vice president and filled most of the key Cabinet positions, which opposition leaders took as a sign of bad faith.In a nod to Annan, Odinga canceled plans for supporters to hold a demonstration Thursday. The government, which has declared opposition protests illegal, reiterated its position that peace talks could proceed only if the demonstrations end.

edmund.sanders@latimes.com
Special correspondent Nicholas Soi contributed to this report.

Rampaging gangs kill dozens and burn homes in Nakuru, which had escaped much of the postelection violence.

Rampaging gangs kill dozens and burn homes in Nakuru, which had escaped much of the postelection violence.

By Edmund Sanders, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer January 27, 2008
NAIROBI, KENYA -- Tit-for-tat ethnic clashes have killed more than two dozen people during the last two days, and angry youths Saturday continued to terrorize parts of central Kenya, defying calls from political leaders to maintain the peace.The country's latest postelection trouble spot is Nakuru, about 90 miles northwest of Nairobi, where gangs from rival tribes have burned hundreds of homes, stoned motorists and hacked dozens of people with machetes. The local morgue was overrun with burned, mutilated bodies. Local news media put the death toll as high as 41.

"It's a tribal war," said David Kuria, 42, a Nakuru soda vendor and father of four. "We've had tribal clashes before, but I've never seen anything like this. Shops are closed. Children are scared. People won't go outside."The government dispatched army units to quell the violence and imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew.The clashes in Nakuru, which previously had escaped much of the violence, were some of the deadliest in this East African nation since the turmoil that followed a disputed Dec. 27 presidential poll. International election observers said the vote was plagued by irregularities and suspected rigging. Despite the controversy, incumbent President Mwai Kibaki was declared the winner by the country's election commission, sparking nationwide riots that have killed more than 600 people and displaced 250,000.

The latest violence started Thursday night, just hours after Kibaki and opposition leader Raila Odinga met for their first mediation talks. The presidential rivals shook hands and called upon their supporters to maintain peace as negotiations proceeded. The outbreak raised questions about just how much control each man has over his supporters and offered the latest evidence that Kenya's crisis may be spinning beyond postelection frustration and reigniting decades-old tribal competition over land, jobs and resources."It may have been triggered by the postelection process, but it has evolved into something else," former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan said Saturday after completing what he described as a "heart-wrenching" tour of violence-affected areas and displacement camps. Annan arrived in Kenya last week to lead peace talks.

Nakuru's tribal clashes involve two major Kenyan tribes that have long competed for control of the Rift Valley, a lush agricultural region in the middle of the country.In a surprise attack, members of the Kalenjin tribe, who supported Odinga, swarmed into neighborhoods populated by Kibaki's clan, the Kikuyus, a rich, land-owning tribe that has dominated Kenyan politics since the country gained independence.In addition to being angry over the election, experts say Kalenjins have long coveted the land owned by Kikuyus in the region.

Under the 24-year reign of former President Daniel Arap Moi, who was a Kalenjin, his tribesman enjoyed greater prosperity, but they have seen their position fall since Kibaki became president in 2002. Similar clashes between the two tribes occurred in 1992 and 1997.By Saturday, Kikuyu militias had organized to defend their homes and retaliate, setting up illegal roadblocks on highways around the city. Two Kalenjin men were hacked to death at the Nakuru bus station, witnesses said."They're trying to get even," said Nakuru Red Cross coordinator Abdi Shakur. "They are very angry."
Kenyan police spokesman Eric Kiraithe tried to assure the public Saturday that security would be restored, blaming the violence on gangs and "advantage-takers."Police in Nakuru have been criticized for allowing the violence to get out of control before intervening."What is causing the chaos is gangs of youths, forming on ethnic lines," Kiraithe said in an interview on local television. "But looting does not solve the political problems."

edmund.sanders@latimes.com

Wednesday, January 23, 2008

Public Comment at the Sep 07 Meeting of the CA Commission on the Fair Adminstration of Justice hearing

California Commission on the Fair Administration of Justice
Wed. Oct 17, 2007

The third point in this Commission’s mandate is, “to further ensure that the application and administration of criminal justice in California is just, fair and accurate.”
One of the questions at today’s hearing is whether there is a need for a permanent Innocence Commission on the model of the North Carolina Innocence Inquiry commission.
As a minister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ and a member of the CA People of Faith Against the Death Penalty steering committee, I affirm the need for a permanent Innocence commission. We must do everything in our power to protect the innocent from being wrongfully convicted, and support the victims who lost many years of their life because our justice system failed them.
In light of the pervasive lobbyist influence the Prison Industrial Complex has among our elected officials, I urge that this proposed commission be given a broader mandate that would include examining whether the sentencing guidelines and the three strikes law are “fair and just” administrations of justice in California. This lobby pressure to "Lock em up and throw away the key" is indicative in our Governor’s decision to veto three bills that this very commission recommended as measures that would enhance our common pursuit of a just and fair administration of criminal justice.
Today, the United States has more people in prison than we have farmers in the fields. The Prison- Industrial-Complex is an Iron Triangle which is similar to the Military-Industrial-Complex that President Eisehower warned us about in his final Presidential address. When I served as a volunteer chaplain at San Quentin, I saw the marketing campaign that went into the creation of our 33rd CA state prison. This new development promised to bring economic revitalization to this rural Central California town. The business of corrections has a profit generating agenda that conflicts with our pursuit of a fair and just criminal justice system.
Perhaps we need comprehensive campaign finance reform in CA to confront the excessive “tough on crime” political posturing that prevents us from achieving a greater realization of justice and equality for all.

Rev. Howard Dotson

Letter to the CA Fair Adminstration of Justice Commission

As people of faith, we cannot accept the state sanctioned killing of another human being. It is a disgrace that the State of CA has yet to abolish the death penalty and commute all death sentences to life without the possibility of parole. The State of CA Correctional system continues to house over 600 death row inmates. We are currently in a moratorium because the system is so broken.
Despite our best efforts, our society is still plagued with racism and social inequalities. Our legislators and judges need to come terms with the facts that no matter how much money and safeguards are put in place, this system can never be administered fairly and justly. All the procedures we futility put in place will never be able to reach the inner chambers of our hearts and minds where the vestiges of racism remain.
As clergy we are the first responders. Many community members will come to us for emotional and spiritual support in times of crisis. Many of us have walked with the grieving mothers who have seen their child’s future stolen from them. Last September, we lost Baby Luis Garcia, a three-week-old boy hit by a stray bullet. The DA offices would have us believe that they alone speak on behalf of the victims’ families and the need for death penalty “to help bring them closure.” In our pastoral counselling experiences with the grieving mothers, this has not been the primary concern expressed by them. Rather than seeing another grieving mother in the San Quentin viewing room, they want to see our time and talents invested in their local communities so other at risk youth can pursue another path, the way of peace and prosperity. Out of the tragedy, these grieving mothers are seeking meaning and hope not more violence and despair for another family.
As faith community leaders, we urge you to abolish the death penalty so we can focus our resources and efforts on administering restorative justice. In Los Angeles County, fifty percent of our African American and Latino youth will not graduate from high school. We have ninety thousand youth (16-25) who are not are in school or gainfully employed. The City of Los Angeles and the State of CA are facing alarming budget challenges. Instead of diverting precious resources into cost prohibitive death penalty litigations, let us invest our resources in our childrens’ education, recreation and vocational programs. Together, we can help prevent another mother from having to bear the tragedy and grief of burying her own child.

The Prison-Industrial Complex

The Prison-Industrial Complex
The Atlanic Monthly
by Eric Schlosser

Correctional officials see danger in prison overcrowding. Others see opportunity. The nearly two million Americans behind bars—the majority of them nonviolent offenders—mean jobs for depressed regions and windfalls for profiteers

In the hills east of Sacramento, California, Folsom State Prison stands beside a man-made lake, surrounded by granite walls built by inmate laborers. The gun towers have peaked roofs and Gothic stonework that give the prison the appearance of a medieval fortress, ominous and forbidding. For more than a century Folsom and San Quentin were the end of the line in California's penal system; they were the state's only maximum-security penitentiaries. During the early 1980s, as California's inmate population began to climb, Folsom became dangerously overcrowded. Fights between inmates ended in stabbings six or seven times a week. The poor sight lines within the old cellblocks put correctional officers at enormous risk. From 1984 to 1994 California built eight new maximum-security (Level 4) facilities. The bullet holes in the ceilings of Folsom's cellblocks, left by warning shots, are the last traces of the prison's violent years. Today Folsom is a medium-security (Level 2) facility, filled with the kind of inmates that correctional officers consider "soft." No one has been stabbed to death at Folsom in almost four years. Among its roughly 3,800 inmates are some 500 murderers, 250 child molesters, and an assortment of rapists, armed robbers, drug dealers, burglars, and petty thieves. The cells in Housing Unit 1 are stacked five stories high, like boxes in a vast warehouse; glimpses of hands and arms and faces, of flickering TV screens, are visible between the steel bars. Folsom now houses almost twice as many inmates as it was designed to hold. The machine shop at the prison, run by inmates, manufactures steel frames for double bunks—and triple bunks—in addition to license plates.
Less than a quarter mile from the old prison is the California State Prison at Sacramento, known as "New Folsom," which houses about 3,000 Level 4 inmates. They are the real hard cases: violent predators, gang members, prisoners unable to "program" well at other facilities, unable to obey the rules. New Folsom does not have granite walls. It has a "death-wire electrified fence," set between two ordinary chain-link fences, that administers a lethal dose of 5,100 volts at the slightest touch. The architecture of New Folsom is stark and futuristic. The buildings have smooth gray concrete façades, unadorned except for narrow slits for cell windows. Approximately a third of the inmates are serving life sentences; more than a thousand have committed at least one murder, nearly 500 have committed armed robbery, and nearly 200 have committed assault with a deadly weapon.
Inmates were placed in New Folsom while it was still under construction. The prison was badly overcrowded even before it was finished, in 1987. It has at times housed more than 300 inmates in its gymnasiums. New Folsom—like old Folsom, and like the rest of the California prison system—now operates at roughly double its intended capacity. Over the past twenty years the State of California has built twenty-one new prisons, added thousands of cells to existing facilities, and increased its inmate population eightfold. Nonviolent offenders have been responsible for most of that increase. The number of drug offenders imprisoned in the state today is more than twice the number of inmates who were imprisoned for all crimes in 1978. California now has the biggest prison system in the Western industrialized world, a system 40 percent bigger than the Federal Bureau of Prisons. The state holds more inmates in its jails and prisons than do France, Great Britain, Germany, Japan, Singapore, and the Netherlands combined. The California Department of Corrections predicts that at the current rate of expansion, barring a court order that forces a release of prisoners, it will run out of room eighteen months from now. Simply to remain at double capacity the state will need to open at least one new prison a year, every year, for the foreseeable future.
Today the United States has approximately 1.8 million people behind bars: about 100,000 in federal custody, 1.1 million in state custody, and 600,000 in local jails. Prisons hold inmates convicted of federal or state crimes; jails hold people awaiting trial or serving short sentences. The United States now imprisons more people than any other country in the world—perhaps half a million more than Communist China. The American inmate population has grown so large that it is difficult to comprehend: imagine the combined populations of Atlanta, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Des Moines, and Miami behind bars. "We have embarked on a great social experiment," says Marc Mauer, the author of the upcoming book The Race to Incarcerate. "No other society in human history has ever imprisoned so many of its own citizens for the purpose of crime control." The prison boom in the United States is a recent phenomenon. Throughout the first three quarters of this century the nation's incarceration rate remained relatively stable, at about 110 prison inmates for every 100,000 people. In the mid-1970s the rate began to climb, doubling in the 1980s and then again in the 1990s. The rate is now 445 per 100,000; among adult men it is about 1,100 per 100,000. During the past two decades roughly a thousand new prisons and jails have been built in the United States. Nevertheless, America's prisons are more overcrowded now than when the building spree began, and the inmate population continues to increase by 50,000 to 80,000 people a year.
The economist and legal scholar Michael K. Block, who believes that American sentencing policies are still not harsh enough, offers a straightforward explanation for why the United States has lately incarcerated so many people: "There are too many prisoners because there are too many criminals committing too many crimes." Indeed, the nation's prisons now hold about 150,000 armed robbers, 125,000 murderers, and 100,000 sex offenders—enough violent criminals to populate a medium-sized city such as Cincinnati. Few would dispute the need to remove these people from society. The level of violent crime in the United States, despite recent declines, still dwarfs that in Western Europe. But the proportion of offenders being sent to prison each year for violent crimes has actually fallen during the prison boom. In 1980 about half the people entering state prison were violent offenders; in 1995 less than a third had been convicted of a violent crime. The enormous increase in America's inmate population can be explained in large part by the sentences given to people who have committed nonviolent offenses. Crimes that in other countries would usually lead to community service, fines, or drug treatment—or would not be considered crimes at all—in the United States now lead to a prison term, by far the most expensive form of punishment. "No matter what the question has been in American criminal justice over the last generation," says Franklin E. Zimring, the director of the Earl Warren Legal Institute, "prison has been the answer."
On January 17, 1961, President Dwight D. Eisenhower used his farewell address to issue a warning, as the United States continued its cold war with the Soviet Union. "In the councils of government," Eisenhower said, "we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex." Eisenhower had grown concerned about this new threat to democracy during the 1960 campaign, when fears of a "missile gap" with the Soviet Union were whipped up by politicians, the press, and defense contractors hoping for increased military spending. Eisenhower knew that no missile gap existed and that fear of one might lead to a costly, unnecessary response. "The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist," Eisenhower warned. "We should take nothing for granted."
Three decades after the war on crime began, the United States has developed a prison-industrial complex—a set of bureaucratic, political, and economic interests that encourage increased spending on imprisonment, regardless of the actual need. The prison-industrial complex is not a conspiracy, guiding the nation's criminal-justice policy behind closed doors. It is a confluence of special interests that has given prison construction in the United States a seemingly unstoppable momentum. It is composed of politicians, both liberal and conservative, who have used the fear of crime to gain votes; impoverished rural areas where prisons have become a cornerstone of economic development; private companies that regard the roughly $35 billion spent each year on corrections not as a burden on American taxpayers but as a lucrative market; and government officials whose fiefdoms have expanded along with the inmate population. Since 1991 the rate of violent crime in the United States has fallen by about 20 percent, while the number of people in prison or jail has risen by 50 percent. The prison boom has its own inexorable logic. Steven R. Donziger, a young attorney who headed the National Criminal Justice Commission in 1996, explains the thinking: "If crime is going up, then we need to build more prisons; and if crime is going down, it's because we built more prisons—and building even more prisons will therefore drive crime down even lower."
The raw material of the prison-industrial complex is its inmates: the poor, the homeless, and the mentally ill; drug dealers, drug addicts, alcoholics, and a wide assortment of violent sociopaths. About 70 percent of the prison inmates in the United States are illiterate. Perhaps 200,000 of the country's inmates suffer from a serious mental illness. A generation ago such people were handled primarily by the mental-health, not the criminal-justice, system. Sixty to 80 percent of the American inmate population has a history of substance abuse. Meanwhile, the number of drug-treatment slots in American prisons has declined by more than half since 1993. Drug treatment is now available to just one in ten of the inmates who need it. Among those arrested for violent crimes, the proportion who are African-American men has changed little over the past twenty years. Among those arrested for drug crimes, the proportion who are African-American men has tripled. Although the prevalence of illegal drug use among white men is approximately the same as that among black men, black men are five times as likely to be arrested for a drug offense. As a result, about half the inmates in the United States are African-American. One out of every fourteen black men is now in prison or jail. One out of every four black men is likely to be imprisoned at some point during his lifetime. The number of women sentenced to a year or more of prison has grown twelvefold since 1970. Of the 80,000 women now imprisoned, about 70 percent are nonviolent offenders. About 75 percent have children.
The prison-industrial complex is not only a set of interest groups and institutions. It is also a state of mind. The lure of big money is corrupting the nation's criminal-justice system, replacing notions of public service with a drive for higher profits. The eagerness of elected officials to pass "tough-on-crime" legislation—combined with their unwillingness to disclose the true costs of these laws—has encouraged all sorts of financial improprieties. The inner workings of the prison-industrial complex can be observed in the state of New York, where the prison boom started, transforming the economy of an entire region; in Texas and Tennessee, where private prison companies have thrived; and in California, where the correctional trends of the past two decades have converged and reached extremes. In the realm of psychology a complex is an overreaction to some perceived threat. Eisenhower no doubt had that meaning in mind when, during his farewell address, he urged the nation to resist "a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties."
Liberal Legacy
The origins of the prison-industrial complex can be dated to January of 1973. Senator Barry Goldwater had used the fear of crime to attract white middle-class voters a decade earlier, and Richard Nixon had revived the theme during the 1968 presidential campaign, but little that was concrete emerged from their demands for law and order. On the contrary, Congress voted decisively in 1970 to eliminate almost all federal mandatory-minimum sentences for drug offenders. Leading members of both political parties applauded the move. Mainstream opinion considered drug addiction to be largely a public-health problem, not an issue for the criminal courts. The Federal Bureau of Prisons was preparing to close large penitentiaries in Georgia, Kansas, and Washington. From 1963 to 1972 the number of inmates in California had declined by more than a fourth, despite the state's growing population. The number of inmates in New York had fallen to its lowest level since at least 1950. Prisons were widely viewed as a barbaric and ineffective means of controlling deviant behavior. Then, on January 3, 1973, Nelson Rockefeller, the governor of New York, gave a State of the State address demanding that every illegal-drug dealer be punished with a mandatory prison sentence of life without parole.
Rockefeller was a liberal Republican who for a dozen years had governed New York with policies more closely resembling those of Franklin Delano Roosevelt than those of Ronald Reagan. He had been booed at the 1964 Republican Convention by conservative delegates; he still harbored grand political ambitions; and President Nixon would be ineligible for a third term in 1976. Rockefeller demonstrated his newfound commitment to law and order in 1971, when he crushed the Attica prison uprising. By proposing the harshest drug laws in the United States, he took the lead on an issue that would soon dominate the nation's political agenda. In his State of the State address Rockefeller argued not only that all drug dealers should be imprisoned for life but also that plea-bargaining should be forbidden in such cases and that even juvenile offenders should receive life sentences.
The Rockefeller drug laws, enacted a few months later by the state legislature, were somewhat less draconian: the penalty for possessing four ounces of an illegal drug, or for selling two ounces, was a mandatory prison term of fifteen years to life. The legislation also included a provision that established a mandatory prison sentence for many second felony convictions, regardless of the crime or its circumstances. Rockefeller proudly declared that his state had enacted "the toughest anti-drug program in the country." Other states eventually followed New York's example, enacting strict mandatory-minimum sentences for drug offenses. A liberal Democrat, Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill, led the campaign to revive federal mandatory minimums, which were incorporated in the 1986 Anti-Drug Abuse Act. Nelson Rockefeller had set in motion a profound shift in American sentencing policy, but he never had to deal with the consequences. Nineteen months after the passage of his drug laws Rockefeller became Vice President of the United States.
When Mario Cuomo was first elected governor of New York, in 1982, he confronted some difficult choices. The state government was in a precarious fiscal condition, the inmate population had more than doubled since the passage of the Rockefeller drug laws, and the prison system had grown dangerously overcrowded. A week after Cuomo took office, inmates rioted at Sing Sing, an aging prison in Ossining. Cuomo was an old-fashioned liberal who opposed mandatory-minimum drug sentences. But the national mood seemed to be calling for harsher drug laws, not sympathy for drug addicts. President Reagan had just launched the War on Drugs; it was an inauspicious moment to buck the tide.
Unable to repeal the Rockefeller drug laws, Cuomo decided to build more prisons. The rhetoric of the drug war, however, was proving more popular than the financial reality. In 1981 New York's voters had defeated a $500 million bond issue for new prison construction. Cuomo searched for an alternate source of financing, and decided to use the state's Urban Development Corporation to build prisons. The corporation was a public agency that had been created in 1968 to build housing for the poor. Despite strong opposition from upstate Republicans, among others, it had been legislated into existence on the day of Martin Luther King Jr.'s funeral, to honor his legacy. The corporation was an attractive means of financing prison construction for one simple reason: it had the authority to issue state bonds without gaining approval from the voters.
Over the next twelve years Mario Cuomo added more prison beds in New York than all the previous governors in the state's history combined. Their total cost, including interest, would eventually reach about $7 billion. Cuomo's use of the Urban Development Corporation drew criticism from both liberals and conservatives. Robert Gangi, the head of the Correctional Association of New York, argued that Cuomo was building altogether the wrong sort of housing for the poor. The state comptroller, Edward V. Regan, a Republican, said that Cuomo was defying the wishes of the electorate, which had voted not to spend money on prisons, and that his financing scheme was costly and improper. Bonds issued by the Urban Development Corporation carried a higher rate of interest than the state's general-issue bonds.
Legally the state's new prisons were owned by the Urban Development Corporation and leased to the Department of Corrections. In 1991, as New York struggled to emerge from a recession, Governor Cuomo "sold" Attica prison to the corporation for $200 million and used the money to fill gaps in the state budget. In order to buy the prison, the corporation had to issue more bonds. The entire transaction could eventually cost New York State about $700 million.
The New York prison boom was a source of embarrassment for Mario Cuomo. At times he publicly called it "stupid," an immoral waste of scarce state monies, an obligation forced on him by the dictates of the law. But it was also a source of political capital. Cuomo strongly opposed the death penalty, and building new prisons shielded him from Republican charges of being soft on crime. In his 1987 State of the State address, having just been re-elected by a landslide, Cuomo boasted of having put nearly 10,000 "dangerous felons" behind bars. The inmate population of New York's prisons had indeed grown by roughly that number during his first term in office. But the proportion of offenders being incarcerated for violent crimes had fallen from 63 percent to 52 percent during those four years. In 1987 New York State sent almost a thousand fewer violent offenders to prison than it had in 1983. Despite having the "toughest anti-drug program" and one of the fastest-growing inmate populations in the nation, New York was hit hard by the crack epidemic of the 1980s and the violent crime that accompanied it. From 1983 to 1990 the state's inmate population almost doubled—and yet during that same period the violent-crime rate rose 24 percent. Between the passage of the Rockefeller drug laws and the time Cuomo left office, in January of 1995, New York's inmate population increased almost fivefold. And the state's prison system was more overcrowded than it had been when the prison boom began.
By using an unorthodox means of financing prison construction, Mario Cuomo turned the Urban Development Corporation into a rural development corporation that invested billions of dollars in upstate New York. Although roughly 80 percent of the state's inmates came from New York City and its suburbs, high real-estate prices and opposition from community groups made it difficult to build correctional facilities there. Cuomo needed somewhere to put his new prisons; he formed a close working relationship with the state senator Ronald B. Stafford, a conservative Republican whose rural, Adirondack district included six counties extending from Lake George to the Canadian border. "Any time there's an extra prison," a Cuomo appointee told Newsdayin 1990, "Ron Stafford will take it."
Stafford had represented this district, known as the North Country, for more than two decades. Orphaned as a child, he had been adopted by a family in the upstate town of Dannemora. The main street of the town was dominated by the massive stone wall around Clinton, a notorious maximum-security prison. His adoptive father was a correctional officer at Clinton, and Stafford spent much of his childhood within the prison's walls. He developed great respect for correctional officers, and viewed their profession as an honorable one; he believed that prisons could give his district a real economic boost. Towns in the North Country soon competed with one another to attract new prisons. The Republican Party controlled the state senate, and prison construction became part of the political give and take with the Cuomo administration. Of the twenty-nine correctional facilities authorized during the Cuomo years, twenty-eight were built in upstate districts represented by Republican senators.
When most people think of New York, they picture Manhattan. In fact, two thirds of the state's counties are classified as rural. Perhaps no other region in the United States has so wide a gulf between its urban and rural populations. People in the North Country—which includes the Adirondack State Park, one of the nation's largest wilderness areas—tend to be politically conservative, taciturn, fond of the outdoors, and white. New York City and the North Country have very little in common. One thing they do share, however, is a high rate of poverty.
Twenty-five years ago the North Country had two prisons; now it has eighteen correctional facilities, and a nineteenth is under construction. They run the gamut from maximum-security prisons to drug-treatment centers and boot camps. One of the first new facilities to open was Ray Brook, a federal prison that occupies the former Olympic Village at Lake Placid. Other prisons have opened in abandoned factories and sanatoriums. For the most part North Country prisons are tucked away, hidden by trees, nearly invisible amid the vastness and beauty of the Adirondacks. But they have brought profound change. Roughly one out of every twenty people in the North Country is a prisoner. The town of Dannemora now has more inmates than inhabitants.
The traditional anchors of the North Country economy—mining, logging, dairy farms, and manufacturing—have been in decline for years. Tourism flourishes in most towns during the summer months. According to Ram Chugh, the director of the Rural Services Institute at the State University of New York at Potsdam, the North Country's per capita income has long been about 40 percent lower than the state's average per capita income. The prison boom has provided a huge infusion of state money to an economically depressed region—one of the largest direct investments the state has ever made there. In addition to the more than $1.5 billion spent to build correctional facilities, the prisons now bring the North Country about $425 million in annual payroll and operating expenditures. That represents an annual subsidy to the region of more than $1,000 per person. The economic impact of the prisons extends beyond the wages they pay and the local services they buy. Prisons are labor-intensive institutions, offering year-round employment. They are recession-proof, usually expanding in size during hard times. And they are nonpolluting—an important consideration in rural areas where other forms of development are often blocked by environmentalists. Prisons have brought a stable, steady income to a region long accustomed to a highly seasonal, uncertain economy.
Anne Mackinnon, who grew up in the North Country and wrote about its recent emergence as New York's "Siberia" for Adirondack Life magazine, says the prison boom has had an enormous effect on the local culture. Just about everyone now seems to have at least one relative who works in corrections. Prison jobs have slowed the exodus from small towns, by allowing young people to remain in the area. The average salary of a correctional officer in New York State is about $36,000—more than 50 percent higher than the typical salary in the North Country. The job brings health benefits and a pension. Working as a correctional officer is one of the few ways that men and women without college degrees can enjoy a solid middle-class life there. Although prison jobs are stressful and dangerous, they are viewed as a means of preserving local communities. So many North Country residents have become correctional officers over the past decade that those just starting out must work for years in prisons downstate, patiently waiting for a job opening at one of the facilities in the Adirondacks.
While many families in the north await the return of sons and daughters slowly earning seniority downstate, families in New York City must endure the absence of loved ones who seem to have been not just imprisoned for their crimes but exiled as well. Every Friday night about 800 people, mostly women and children, almost all of them African-American or Latino, gather at Columbus Circle, in Manhattan, and board buses for the north. The buses leave through the night and arrive in time for visiting hours on Saturday. Operation Prison Gap, which runs the service, was founded by an ex-convict named Ray Simmons who had been imprisoned upstate and knew how hard it was for the families of inmates to arrange visits. When the company started, in 1973, it carried passengers in a single van. Now it charters thirty-five buses and vans on a typical weekend and a larger number on special occasions, such as Father's Day and Thanksgiving. Ray Simmons's brother Tyrone, who heads the company, says that despite the rising inmate population, ridership has fallen a bit over the past few years. The inconvenience and expense of the long bus trips take their toll. One customer, however, has for fifteen years faithfully visited her son in Comstock every weekend. In 1996 she stopped appearing at Columbus Circle; her son had been released. Six months later he was convicted of another violent crime and sent back to the same prison. The woman, now in her seventies, still boards the 2:00 A.M. bus for Comstock every weekend. Simmons gives her a discount, charging her $15—the same price she paid on her first trip, in 1983.
The Bare Hill Correctional Facility sits near the town of Malone, fifteen miles south of the Canadian border. The Franklin Correctional Facility is a quarter of a mile down the road, and the future site of a new maximum-security prison is next door. Bare Hill is one of the "cookie cutter" medium-security prisons that were built during the Cuomo administration. The state has built fourteen other prisons exactly like it—a form of penal mass production that saves a good deal of money. Most of the inmates at Bare Hill are housed in dormitories, not cells. The dormitories were designed to hold about fifty inmates, each with his own small cubicle and bunk. In 1990, two years after the prison opened, double-bunking was introduced as a "temporary" measure to ease the overcrowding in county jails, which were holding an overflow of state inmates. Eight years later every dormitory at Bare Hill houses sixty inmates, a third of them double-bunked. About 90 percent of the inmates come from New York City or one of its suburbs, eight hours away; about 80 percent are African-American or Latino. The low walls of the cubicles, which allow little privacy, are covered with family photographs, pinups, religious postcards. Twenty-four hours a day a correctional officer sits alone at a desk on a platform that overlooks the dorm.
The superintendent of Bare Hill, Peter J. Lacy, is genial and gray-haired, tall and dignified in his striped tie, flannels, and blue blazer. His office feels light and cheery. Lacy began his career, in 1955, as a correctional officer at Dannemora; he wore a uniform for twenty-five years, and in the 1980s headed a special unit that handled prison emergencies and riots. He later served as an assistant commissioner of the New York Department of Corrections. One of his sons is now a lieutenant at a downstate prison. As Superintendent Lacy walks through the prison grounds, he seems like a captain surveying his ship, rightly proud of its upkeep, familiar with every detail. The lawns are neatly trimmed, the buildings are well maintained, and the red-brick dorms would not seem out of place on a college campus, except for the bars in the windows. There is nothing oppressive about the physical appearance of Bare Hill, about the ball fields with pine trees in the background, about the brightly colored murals and rustic stencils on the walls, about the classrooms where instructors teach inmates how to read, how to write, how to draw a blueprint, how to lay bricks, how to obtain a Social Security card, how to deal with their anger. For many inmates Bare Hill is the neatest, cleanest, most well-ordered place they will ever live. As Lacy passes a group of inmates leaving their dorms for class, the inmates nod their heads in acknowledgment, and a few of them say, "Hello, sir." And every so often a young inmate gives Lacy a look filled with a hatred so pure and so palpable that it would burn Bare Hill to the ground, if only it could.
Big Business
The black-and-white photograph shows an inmate leaning out of a prison cell, scowling at the camera, his face partially hidden in the shadows. "HOW HE GOT IN IS YOUR BUSINESS," the ad copy begins. "HOW HE GETS OUT IS OURS." The photo is on the cover of a glossy brochure promoting AT&T's prison telephone service, which is called The Authority. BellSouth has a similar service, called MAX, advertised with a photo of a heavy steel chain dangling from a telephone receiver in place of a cord. The ad promises "long distance service that lets inmates go only so far." Although the phone companies rely on clever copy in their ads, providing telephone service to prisons and jails has become a serious, highly profitable business. The nearly two million inmates in the United States are ideal customers: phone calls are one of their few links to the outside world; most of their calls must be made collect; and they are in no position to switch long-distance carriers. A pay phone at a prison can generate as much as $15,000 a year—about five times the revenue of a typical pay phone on the street. It is estimated that inmate calls generate a billion dollars or more in revenues each year. The business has become so lucrative that MCI installed its inmate phone service, Maximum Security, throughout the California prison system at no charge. As part of the deal it also offered the California Department of Corrections a 32 percent share of all the revenues from inmates' phone calls. MCI Maximum Security adds a $3.00 surcharge to every call. When free enterprise intersects with a captive market, abuses are bound to occur. MCI Maximum Security and North American Intelecom have both been caught overcharging for calls made by inmates; in one state MCI was adding an additional minute to every call.
Since 1980 spending on corrections at the local, state, and federal levels has increased about fivefold. What was once a niche business for a handful of companies has become a multibillion-dollar industry with its own trade shows and conventions, its own Web sites, mail-order catalogues, and direct-marketing campaigns. The prison-industrial complex now includes some of the nation's largest architecture and construction firms, Wall Street investment banks that handle prison bond issues and invest in private prisons, plumbing-supply companies, food-service companies, health-care companies, companies that sell everything from bullet-resistant security cameras to padded cells available in a "vast color selection." A directory called the Corrections Yellow Pages lists more than a thousand vendors. Among the items now being advertised for sale: a "violent prisoner chair," a sadomasochist's fantasy of belts and shackles attached to a metal frame, with special accessories for juveniles; B.O.S.S., a "body-orifice security scanner," essentially a metal detector that an inmate must sit on; and a diverse line of razor wire, with trade names such as Maze, Supermaze, Detainer Hook Barb, and Silent Swordsman Barbed Tape.
As the prison industry has grown, it has assumed many of the attributes long associated with the defense industry. The line between the public interest and private interests has blurred. In much the same way that retired admirals and generals have long found employment with defense contractors, correctional officials are now leaving the public sector for jobs with firms that supply the prison industry. These career opportunities did not exist a generation ago. Fundamental choices about public safety, employee training, and the denial of personal freedoms are increasingly being made with an eye to the bottom line.
One clear sign that corrections has become a big business as well as a form of government service is the emergence of a trade newspaper devoted to the latest trends in the prison and jail marketplace. Correctional Building News has become the Variety of the prison world, widely read by correctional officials, investors, and companies with something to sell. Eli Gage, its publisher, founded the paper in 1994, after searching for a high-growth industry not yet served by its own trade journal. Gage is neither a cheerleader for the industry nor an outspoken critic. He believes that despite recent declines in violent crime, national spending on corrections will continue to grow at an annual rate of five to 10 percent. The number of young people in the prime demographic for committing crimes, ages fifteen to twenty-four, is about to increase; and the demand for new juvenile-detention centers is already rising. Correctional Building News runs ads by the leading companies that build prisons (Turner Construction, CRSS, Brown & Root) and the leading firms that design them (DMJM, the DLR Group, and KMD Architects). It features a product of the month, a facility of the month, and a section titled "People in the News." An advertisement in a recent issue promoted electrified fences with the line "Don't Touch!"
Private prison companies are the most obvious, the most controversial, and the fastest-growing segment of the prison-industrial complex. The idea of private prisons was greeted with enthusiasm during the Reagan and Bush Administrations; it fit perfectly with a belief in small government and the privatization of public services. The Clinton Administration, however, has done far more than its Republican predecessors to legitimize private prisons. It has encouraged the Justice Department to place illegal aliens and minimum-security inmates in private correctional facilities, as part of a drive to reduce the federal work force. The rationale for private prisons is that government monopolies such as old-fashioned departments of corrections are inherently wasteful and inefficient, and the private sector, through competition for contracts, can provide much better service at a much lower cost. The privatization of prisons is often described as a "win-win" outcome. A private-prison company generally operates a facility for a government agency, or builds and operates its own facility. The nation's private prisons accepted their first inmates in the mid-1980s. Today at least twenty-seven states make use of private prisons, and approximately 90,000 inmates are being held in prisons run for profit.
The living conditions in many of the nation's private prisons are unquestionably superior to conditions in many state-run facilities. At least forty-five state prison systems are now operating at or above their intended capacity. In twenty-two states prisons are operating under court-ordered population caps. In fifteen states prison conditions are being monitored by the courts. Life in the aging, overcrowded prisons operated by many state agencies is dangerous and degrading. Most of the 34,000 state inmates currently being held in the nation's jails for lack of available prison cells live in conditions that are even worse. Private prisons tend to be brand-new, rarely overcrowded, and less likely to house violent offenders. Moreover, some private prisons offer programs, such as drug treatment and vocational training, that a number of state systems have cut back. And yet something inherent in the idea of private prisons seems to invite abuse.
The economics of the private-prison industry are in many respects similar to those of the lodging industry. An inmate at a private prison is like a guest at a hotel—a guest whose bill is being paid and whose check-out date is set by someone else. A hotel has a strong economic incentive to book every available room and encourage every guest to stay as long as possible. A private prison has exactly the same incentive. The labor costs constitute the bulk of operating costs for both kinds of accommodation. The higher the occupancy rate, the higher the profit margin. Although it might seem unlikely that a private prison would ever try to keep an inmate longer than was necessary for justice to be served, New York State's experience with the "fee system" during the nineteenth century suggests that the temptation to do so is hard to resist. Under the fee system local sheriffs charged inmates for their stay in jail. A 1902 report by the Correctional Association of New York harshly criticized this system, warning that judges might be inclined to "sentence a man to jail where he may be a source of revenue to a friendly sheriff." Whenever the fee system was abolished in a New York county, the inmate population dropped—by as much as half. Last year a Prudential Securities report on private prisons described some of the potential risks for the industry: a falling crime rate, shorter prison sentences, a move toward alternative sentences, and changes in the nation's drug laws. Nonetheless, the report concluded that "the industry appears to have excellent prospects."
Private-prison companies can often build prisons faster and at lower cost than state agencies, owing to fewer bureaucratic delays and less red tape. And new prisons tend to be much less expensive to operate than the old prisons still used in many states. But most of the savings that private-prison companies offer are derived from the use of nonunion workers. Labor represents 60 to 80 percent of the operating costs at a prison. Although private-prison companies are now moving into northern states and even signing agreements with some labor unions, the overwhelming majority of private-prison cells are in southern and southwestern states hostile to unions. Correctional officers in these private prisons usually earn lower wages than officers employed by state governments, while receiving fewer benefits and no pension. Some private-prison companies offer their uniformed staff stock options as a retirement plan; the long-term value of the stock is uncertain. The sort of cost-cutting imposed on correctional officers does not extend to managers and administrators. They usually earn much more than their counterparts in the public sector—a fact that greatly increases the potential for conflicts of interest and official corruption.
Last AST year a videotape of beatings at a private correctional facility in Texas provoked a great deal of controversy. The tape showed correctional officers at the Brazoria County Detention Center kicking inmates who were lying on the floor, shooting inmates with a stun gun, and ordering a police dog to attack them. The inmates had been convicted of crimes in Missouri, but were occupying rented cells in rural Texas. One of the correctional officers in the video had previously lost his job at a Texas state prison and served time on federal charges for beating an inmate. The Brazoria County videotape received nationwide publicity and prompted Missouri to cancel its contract with Capital Correctional Resources, the private company operating the facility. But the beatings were unusual only because they were captured on tape. Incidents far more violent and surreal have become almost commonplace in the private prisons of Texas.
The private-prison system in Texas arose in response to the violence and disarray of the state system. In 1980 conditions in Texas state prisons were so bad that the federal judge William Wayne Justice ruled that they amounted to "cruel and unusual punishment." He appointed a special overseer for the prison system and ordered the state to provide at least forty square feet of living space for each inmate. By the mid-1980s, however, conditions had grown even worse: Texas prisons were more overcrowded; gang wars between inmates resulted in dozens of murders; and local jails were so crammed with the overflow of state inmates that a number of counties later sued the state for relief. In 1986 Judge Justice threatened the state with a fine of $800,000 a day unless it came up with a plan to ease the overcrowding in its prisons. While the Texas legislature scrambled to add new prison beds to the system, entrepreneurs sensed that profits could be made from housing state inmates in private facilities. Developers cut deals with sheriffs in impoverished rural counties, providing the capital to build brand-new jails, offering to run them, and promising to share the profits. Privately run correctional facilities sprang up throughout rural Texas, much the way oil rigs were once raised by wildcatters. The founders of one large private-prison developer, N-Group Securities, had previously sold condominiums and run a Houston disco. One critic quoted by the Houston Chronicle called the speculative new enterprises "Joe's Bar and Grill and Prisons."
The private-prison building spree in Texas—backed by investors such as Allstate, Merrill Lynch, Shearson Lehman, and American Express—soon faced an unanticipated problem. The State of Texas, under the auspices of a liberal Democratic governor, Ann Richards, began to carry out an ambitious prison-construction plan of its own in 1991, employing inmate labor and adding almost 100,000 new beds in just a few years. In effect the state flooded the market. Private firms turned to "bed brokers" for help, hoping to recruit prisoners from out of state. By the mid-1990s thousands of inmates from across the United States were being transported from overcrowded prison systems to "rent-a-cell" facilities in small Texas towns. The distances involved in this huge migration at times made it reminiscent of the eighteenth-century transport schemes that shipped British convicts and debtors to Australia. In 1996 the Newton County Correctional Center, in Newton, Texas, operated by a company called the Bobby Ross Group, became the State of Hawaii's third largest prison.
The private-prison industry usually charges its customers a daily rate for each inmate; the success or failure of a private prison is determined by the number of "man-days" it can generate. In a typical rent-a-cell arrangement a state with a surplus of inmates will contact a well-established bed broker, such as Dominion Management, of Edmond, Oklahoma. The broker will search for a facility with empty beds at the right price. The cost per man-day can range from $25 to $60, depending on the kind of facility and its level of occupancy. The more crowded a private prison becomes, the less it charges for each additional inmate. Facilities with individual cells are more expensive than those with dormitories. Bed brokers earn a commission of $2.50 to $5.50 per man-day, depending on how tight the market for prison cells is at the time. The county—which does not operate the prison but simply gives it legal status—sometimes gets a fee of as much as $1.50 a night for each prisoner. When every bed is filled, the private-prison company, the bed broker, and the county can do quite well.
The interstate commerce in prisoners, like many new industries, developed without much government regulation. In 1996 the State of Texas encountered a number of unexpected legal problems. Its private prisons were housing roughly 5,000 inmates from fourteen states. In August of that year two Oregon sex offenders escaped from a Houston facility operated by the Corrections Corporation of America. The facility normally held illegal aliens, under contract to the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Faced with empty beds, CCA had imported 240 sex offenders from Oregon. Texas officials had no idea that violent offenders from another state were being housed in this minimum-security facility. The escaped prisoners were eventually recaptured—but they could not be prosecuted for escaping, because running away from a private prison was not a violation of any Texas state law. The following month a riot erupted at the Frio Detention Center, a private facility operated by the Dove Development Corporation, which housed about 300 inmates from Utah and Missouri. The Texas Department of Criminal Justice had to send thirty of its officers in riot gear to regain control of the prison. A month later two Utah prisoners, one of them a convicted murderer, escaped from the same facility. A manhunt by state authorities failed to recapture them. Six other Utah inmates had previously escaped from facilities run by Dove Development; three were murderers. Last year the Texas legislature passed a bill that made it illegal for an offender from any state to escape from a private prison and that held the owners of such facilities responsible for any public expense stemming from riots or escapes. Few other states have even attempted to pass legislation dealing with these issues.
The private companies that now transport thousands of inmates across the United States every day face even less government oversight than private-prison companies. Indeed, federal regulations concerning the interstate shipment of cattle are much stricter than those concerning the interstate shipment of prisoners. Sheriff's deputies and U.S. marshals have traditionally been used to pick up inmates in one state and deliver them to another. During the late 1980s private companies began to offer the same service for about half the cost. The firms saved money by employing nonunion guards and making multiple pickups and deliveries on each trip. Prisoners today may spend as long as a month on the road, visiting dozens of states, sitting for days in the backs of old station wagons and vans, locked up alongside defendants awaiting trial and offenders on their way to prison. Driving one of these transport vehicles is a dangerous job, one that combines the stresses encountered by correctional officers with those of long-distance truckers. Moreover, prisoners tend to view their days in transit as an excellent time to attempt an escape. The turnover rate among the transport guards and drivers is high; the pay is relatively low; and training for the job rarely lasts more than a week. As a result, violent criminals are frequently shipped from state to state in the custody of people who are ill equipped to deal with them. Local authorities often don't learn that inmates are passing through their towns until something goes wrong.
In August of 1996 Rick Carter and Sue Smith, the husband-and-wife operators of R and S Prisoner Transport, were taking five murderers and a rapist from Iowa to New Mexico. At a public rest stop in the Texas Panhandle one of the convicts assaulted Carter on the way to the men's room. The others overpowered his wife and seized the van. Carter and Smith, who had set off unarmed, were taken hostage. A passing motorist dialed 911, and the six inmates were recaptured by Texas police officers after a chase. On July 30 of last year Dennis Patrick Glick—a convicted rapist, sentenced to two life terms, who was being transported from Utah to Arkansas—commandeered a van owned by the Federal Extradition Agency, a private company. One of the guards had fallen asleep, and Glick borrowed his gun. Glick took the guard and seven other inmates hostage in Ordway, Colorado; abandoned the van; took a local rancher hostage; stole two more vehicles and a horse; eluded sixty law-enforcement officers through the night; and was captured the next morning on horseback. In December of last year Homer D. Land, a prisoner being transported from Kansas to Florida, escaped from a van operated by TransCor America. The van had stopped at a Burger King in Owatonna, Minnesota. While one guard went inside and bought eleven hamburgers, the other guard (who had been a TransCor America employee for less than a month) opened the van's back doors for ventilation, enabling Land and two other inmates to get away. Land took a married couple hostage and spent the night at their house in Owatonna before being recaptured in Chicago. The same TransCor America van had been commandeered four days earlier by Whatley Roylene, a prisoner traveling from New Mexico to Massachusetts and facing charges of murder and armed robbery. At a gas station in Sterling, Colorado, Roylene grabbed a shotgun from a sleeping guard. Officers from the Colorado state police and the local sheriff's department surrounded the van; the standoff ended, according to a local official, when other prisoners persuaded Roylene to hand over the gun.
The Bobby Ross Group, based in Austin, Texas, has proved to be one of the more troubled private-prison companies. The company's founder, Bobby Ross, was a sheriff in Texas and a successful bed broker before starting his own business, in 1993. He eventually set up operations at seven Texas facilities and one Georgia facility, signing contracts to accept inmates from states including Colorado, Hawaii, Montana, Missouri, Oklahoma, and Virginia. It did not take long for problems to begin. In January of 1996 nearly 500 Colorado inmates, many of them sex offenders, were transferred to a Bobby Ross facility in Karnes County, Texas; two later escaped, and a full day passed before state authorities were notified. At the Bobby Ross prison in Dickens County, Texas, fights broke out between inmates from Montana and Hawaii that spring. A few months later a protest about the poor quality of food and medical care turned into a riot, and the warden ordered guards to shoot live rounds. The warden was replaced.
Montana canceled its contract with the Bobby Ross Group in September of last year. Three Montana inmates had escaped, and one had been killed by an inmate from Hawaii. Montana investigators found that many of the inmates at the Dickens County prison were going hungry and waiting days to see a doctor. "We really dislike losing a customer," an attorney representing Bobby Ross said to a reporter. In October an inspector for the Texas Commission on Jail Standards gave the Dickens County prison the highest possible ratings. A month later the same inspector acknowledged that in addition to his official duties he worked as a "consultant" for the Bobby Ross Group, which paid him $42,000 a year. In December eleven inmates from Hawaii escaped from their dormitory at the Newton County facility operated by Bobby Ross, released nearly 300 other inmates, and set fire to one of the buildings. In February of this year inmates rioted again at Newton and set fire to the prison commissary. In brighter days, before the riots and fires, Bobby Ross had explained the usefulness of employing William Sessions, the former director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, as a "special adviser" to the company. "He goes with us on sales calls to potential clients," Ross told a reporter for the Colorado paper Westword. "That kind of thing."
The U.S. Corrections Corporation, for years the nation's third largest private-prison company, has encountered legal difficulties even more serious than those of the Bobby Ross Group. In 1993 an investigation by the Louisville Courier-Journal discovered that the company was using unpaid prison labor in Kentucky. Inmates were being forced to perform a variety of jobs, including construction work on nine small buildings at the Lee County prison; construction work on one church and renovation work on three others attended by company employees; renovation work on a company employee's game-room business; painting and maintenance at a country club; and painting at a private school attended by a prison warden's daughter. The Courier-Journal concluded that "U.S. Corrections has repeatedly profited financially from its misuse of inmate labor." Although the state Department of Corrections confirmed these findings, it took no action against the company. A year later J. Clifford Todd, the chairman of U.S. Corrections, pleaded guilty to a federal charge of mail fraud, admitting that he had paid a total of roughly $200,000 to a county correctional official in Kentucky. In return for monthly payments, which for four years were laundered through a California company, the official sent inmates to U.S. Corrections. Todd cooperated fully with an FBI investigation, but later became embittered when a federal judge denied his request for a term of house arrest. The head of the nation's third largest private-prison company was sentenced to fifteen months in a federal prison.
The nation's second largest private-prison company, Wackenhut Corrections, has operated with a far greater degree of professionalism and discretion. Its parent company, the Wackenhut Corporation, has for many years worked closely with the federal government, performing various sensitive tasks such as guarding nuclear-weapons facilities and overseas embassies. Indeed, the company has long been accused of operating as a front for the Central Intelligence Agency—an accusation that its founder, George Wackenhut, has vehemently denied. In the early 1950s Wackenhut quit the FBI, at the age of thirty-four, and formed a private-security company with three other former FBI agents. He went on to assemble the nation's largest private collection of files on alleged "subversives," with dossiers on at least three million Americans. During the 1970s the Wackenhut Corporation diversified into strike-breaking and anti-terrorism. The company, headquartered in Palm Beach Gardens, Florida, has branch offices in forty-two states and in more than fifty foreign countries. Its annual revenues exceed $1 billion. George Wackenhut remains the chairman of the company, but the day-to-day operations are handled by his son, Richard. Over the years Wackenhut's board of directors has read like a Who's Who of national security, including a former head of the FBI, a former head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, a former CIA director, a former CIA deputy director, a former head of the Secret Service, a former head of the Marine Corps, and a former Attorney General. After the company decided to enter the private-prison industry, it hired Norman Carlson, who had headed the Federal Bureau of Prisons.
Last year Wackenhut Corrections became the first private company ever hired by the Federal Bureau of Prisons to manage a large facility. The federal government's long-standing relationship with Wackenhut has developed an odd equilibrium: one wields the power while the other reaps the financial rewards. Kathleen Hawk Sawyer, the current director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, is responsible for the supervision of about 115,000 inmates, including drug lords, international terrorists, and organized-crime leaders. Her salary last year was $125,900. George C. Zoley, the chief executive officer of Wackenhut Corrections, is responsible for the supervision of about 25,000 state and federal inmates, mostly illegal aliens, low-level drug offenders, petty thieves, and parole violators. His salary last year was $366,000—plus a bonus of $122,500, plus a stock-option grant of 20,000 shares. At least half a dozen other executives at Wackenhut Corrections were paid more last year than the head of the Federal Bureau of Prisons.
The Corrections Corporation of America is the nation's largest private-prison company; it recently participated in a buyout of the U.S. Corrections Corporation, thereby obtaining several thousand additional inmates. CCA was founded in 1983 by Thomas W. Beasley and Doctor R. Crants, Nashville businessmen with little previous experience in corrections. Beasley, a former chairman of the Tennessee Republican Party, later told Inc. magazine his strategy for promoting the concept of private prisons: "You just sell it like you were selling cars, or real estate, or hamburgers." Beasley and Crants recruited a former director of the Virginia Department of Corrections to help run the company. In 1984 CCA accepted its first Texas inmates, before it had a completed facility in that state. The inmates were housed in rented motel rooms; a number of them pushed the air-conditioning units out of the wall and escaped. A year later Beasley approached his good friend Lamar Alexander, the governor of Tennessee, with an extraordinary proposal: CCA would buy the state's entire prison system for $250 million. Alexander supported the idea, saying, "We don't need to be afraid in America of people who want to make a profit." His wife, Honey, and the speaker of the Tennessee House, Ned McWherter, were among CCA's early investors; between them the two had owned 1.5 percent of CCA's stock; they sold their shares to avoid any perceived conflict of interest. Nevertheless, the CCA plan was blocked by the Democratic majority in the legislature.
CCA expanded nationwide over the next decade, winning contracts to house more than 40,000 inmates and assembling the sixth largest prison system in the United States; but it never lost the desire to take over all the prisons in Tennessee. In order to achieve that goal, CCA executives established personal and financial links with figures in both political parties. During the spring of last year CCA's allies in the Tennessee legislature began once again to push for privatization. Crants said that letting CCA run the prisons would save the state up to $100 million a year; he did not specify how these dramatic savings would be achieved. George Zoley, the head of Wackenhut Corrections, argued that handing over the Tennessee prison system to a single company would simply turn a state monopoly into a private one. Wackenhut employed the law firm of the former U.S. senator Howard Baker to lobby on its behalf, seeking a piece of the action.
By February of this year a compromise of sorts had emerged in Tennessee. New legislation proposed shifting as much as 70 percent of the state's inmate population to the private sector; CCA and Wackenhut would both get a chance to bid for prison contracts. The new privatization bill seemed a sure thing. It was never put before the legislature for a vote, however. On April 20 CCA announced plans for a corporate restructuring so complex in its details that many Wall Street analysts began to wonder about the company's financial health. The price of CCA stock—which in recent years had been one of the nation's top performers—began to plummet, declining in value by 25 percent over the next several days. At the annual CCA shareholders meeting, last May, Crants compared Wall Street investors to "wildebeests" stampeding out of fear, and blamed the stock's plunge on a single broker who had sold 640,000 shares.
Crants neglected to tell CCA shareholders a crucial bit of information: he himself had sold 200,000 shares of CCA stock just weeks before the announcement that sent its value tumbling. By selling his stock on March 2, Crants had avoided a loss of more than $2.5 million. When asked recently to explain his CCA financial dealings, Crants declined to comment. The timing and the size of that stock transaction are likely to be of interest to the attorneys who have filed more than half a dozen lawsuits on behalf of CCA shareholders.
Although conservatives have long worried about the loss of American sovereignty to international agencies such as the United Nations and the World Bank, the globalization of private-prison companies has thus far eluded criticism. A British private-prison company, Securicor, operates two facilities in Florida. Wackenhut Corrections is now under contract to operate Doncaster prison, in England; three prisons in Australia; and a prison in Scotland. It is actively seeking prison contracts in South Africa. CCA has received a good deal of publicity lately, but few of the articles about it have mentioned that the largest shareholder of America's largest private-prison company is Sodexho Alliance—a food-service conglomerate whose corporate headquarters are in Paris.
About 200 inmates were in the A yard at New Folsom when I visited not long ago. They were playing soft-ball and handball, sitting on rocks, standing in small groups, smoking, laughing, jogging around the perimeter. Three unarmed correctional officers casually kept an eye on things, like elementary school teachers during recess. The yard was about 300 feet long and 250 feet wide, with more dirt than grass, and it was hot, baking hot. The heat of the sun bounced off the gray concrete walls enclosing the yard. "These are the sensitive guys," a correctional officer told me, describing the men in Facility A. Most of them had killed, raped, committed armed robberies, or misbehaved at other prisons, but now they were trying to stay out of trouble. Some were former gang members; some were lifers because of a third strike; some were getting too old for prison violence; some were in protective custody because of their celebrity, their snitching, or their previous occupation. A few of the inmates on the yard were former police officers. As word spread that I was a journalist, groups of inmates followed me and politely approached, eager to talk. Lieutenant Billy Mayfield, New Folsom's press officer, graciously kept his distance, allowing the prisoners to speak freely.
"I shouldn't be here" was a phrase I heard often, followed by an impassioned story about the unfairness of the system. I asked each inmate how many of the other men in the yard deserved to be locked up in this prison, and the usual response was "These guys? Man, you wouldn't believe some of these guys; at least two thirds of them should be here." Behind the need to blame others for their predicament and the refusal to accept responsibility, behind all the denial, lay an enormous anger, one that seemed far more intense than the typical inmate complaints about the food or the behavior of certain officers. Shirtless, sweating, unshaven, covered in tattoos, one inmate after another described the rage that was growing inside New Folsom. The weights had been taken away; no more conjugal visits for inmates who lacked a parole date; not enough help for the inmates who were crazy, really crazy; not enough drug treatment, when the place was full of junkies; not enough to do—a list of grievances magnified by the overcrowding into something that felt volatile, ready to go off with the slightest spark. As I stood in the yard hearing the anger of the sensitive guys, the inmates in Facility C were locked in their cells, because of a gang-related stabbing the previous week, and the inmates in Facility B were being shot with pepper spray to break up a fight.
The acting warden at New Folsom when I visited, a woman named Suzan Hubbard, began her career as a correctional officer at San Quentin nineteen years ago. Although she has a degree in social work from the University of California at Berkeley, Hubbard says that her real education took place at the "college of San Quentin." She spent a decade at the prison during one of its most violent and turbulent periods. In her years on the job two fellow staff members were murdered. Hubbard learned how to develop a firm but fair relationship with inmates, some of whom were on death row. She found that contrary to some expectations, women were well suited for work in a maximum-security prison. Communication skills were extremely important in such a charged environment; inmates often felt less threatened by women, less likely to engage in a clash of egos. Hubbard was the deputy warden at New Folsom on September 27, 1996, when fights broke out in the B yard. At nine o'clock in the morning she was standing beside her car in the prison parking lot, and she heard three shots being fired somewhere inside New Folsom. Everyone in the parking lot froze, waiting for the sound of more gunfire. After more shots were fired, Hubbard hurried into the prison, made her way to the B yard, and found it in chaos.
A group of Latino gang members had launched an attack on a group of African-American gang members, catching them by surprise and stabbing them with homemade weapons. The fighting soon spread to the other inmates in the exercise yard, who divided along racial lines. As many as 200 inmates were involved in the riot. Correctional officers instructed everyone in the yard to get down; they fired warning shots, rubber bullets, and then live rounds. When Hubbard arrived at the yard, about a hundred inmates had dropped to the ground and another hundred were still fighting. The captain in charge of the unit stood among a group of inmates, telling them, "Sit down, get down, we'll take care of this." Hubbard and the other officers circulated in the yard, calling prisoners by name, telling them to get down. It took thirty minutes to quell the riot. Twelve correctional officers were injured while trying to separate combatants. Six inmates were stabbed, and five were shot. Victor Hugo Flores, an inmate serving an eighteen-year sentence for voluntary manslaughter and attempted murder, was killed by gunfire.
Hubbard finds working in the California penal system to be stressful but highly rewarding. She tries to defuse tensions by talking and listening to the inmates on the yards. She and her officers routinely place themselves at great risk. Last year 2,583 staff members were assaulted by inmates in California. Thousands of the inmates are HIV-positive; thousands more carry hepatitis C. Officers have lately become the target of a new form of assault by inmates, known as gassing. Being "gassed" means being struck by a cup or bag containing feces and urine. The California prison system, especially its Level 4 facilities, is full of warring gangs—members of the Crips, the Bloods, the Fresno Bulldogs, the Aryan Brotherhood, the Nazi Lowriders, the Mexican Mafia, and the Black Guerrilla Family, to name a few. In addition to the organized violence, there are random acts of violence. On June 15 of last year a correctional officer was attacked by an inmate in the infirmary at New Folsom. The officer, Linda Lowery, was savagely beaten and kicked, receiving severe head wounds. Her attacker was serving a four-year sentence for assaulting an officer.
California's correctional officers are not always the victims when violence occurs behind bars; in recent months they have been linked to several widely publicized acts of brutality. At Pelican Bay State Prison at least one officer conspired with inmates to arrange assaults on convicted child molesters. At Corcoran State Prison officers allegedly staged "gladiator days," in which rival gang members were encouraged to fight, staff members placed bets on the outcome, and matches often ended with inmates being shot. As the FBI investigates alleged abuses at Corcoran and allegations of an official cover-up, correctional officers are feeling misrepresented and unfairly maligned by the media—only adding to the tension in California's prisons.
The level of violence in the California penal system is actually lower today than it was a decade ago. But the rate of assaults among inmates has gradually climbed since its low point, in 1991. Studies have linked double-bunking and prison overcrowding with higher rates of stress-induced mental disorders, higher rates of aggression, and higher rates of violence. In the state's Level 4 prisons almost every cell is now double-bunked. The fact that more bloodshed has not occurred is a testament to the high-tech design of the new prisons and the skills of their officers. Nevertheless, Cal Terhune, the director of the California Department of Corrections, worries about how much more stress the system can bear, and about how long it can go without another riot. "We're sitting on a very volatile situation," Terhune says. "Every time the phone rings here, I wonder ..."
Thirty years ago California was renowned for the liberalism of its criminal-justice system. In 1968 an inmate bill of rights was signed into law by Ronald Reagan, then the governor of California. More than any other state, California was dedicated to the rehabilitative ideal, to the belief that a prison could take a criminal and "cure" him, set him on the right path. California's prisons were notable for their many educational and vocational programs and their group-therapy sessions. In those days every state in the country had a system of indeterminate prison sentences. The legislature set the maximum sentence for a crime, and judges and parole boards tried to make the punishment fit the individual. California's system was the most indeterminate: the sentence for a given offense might be anything from probation to life. The broad range of potential sentences gave enormous power to the parole board, known as the Adult Authority; a prisoner's release depended on its evaluation of how well his "treatment" was proceeding. One person might serve ten months and another person ten years for the same crime.
Although indeterminate sentencing had many flaws, one of its virtues was that it gave the state a means of controlling the size of the prison population. If prisons grew too full, the parole board could release inmates who no longer seemed to pose a threat to public safety. Governor Reagan used the Adult Authority to reduce the size of California's inmate population, giving thousands of prisoners an early release and closing one of the state's prisons. By the mid-1970s, however, the Adult Authority had come under attack from an unusual coalition of liberals, prisoners, and conservative advocates of law and order. Liberals thought that the Adult Authority discriminated against minorities, making them serve longer sentences. Prisoners thought that it was unfair; after all, they were still in prison. Conservatives thought that it was too soft, allowing too many criminals back on the street too soon. And no one put much faith in the rehabilitative effects of prison. In 1971 seventeen inmates and seven staff members were killed in California prisons. The following year thirty-five inmates and one staff member were killed.
California was one of the first states in the nation to get rid of indeterminate sentencing. The state's new law required inmates to serve the sentence handed down by the judge, with an allowance for "good time," which might reduce a prison term by half. The law also amended the section of the state's penal code that declared the ultimate goals of imprisonment: the word "rehabilitation" was replaced by the word "punishment." In 1976 the bill was endorsed and signed into law by a liberal Democrat, Governor Jerry Brown.
As liberalism gave way to demands for law and order, California judges began to send a larger proportion of convicted felons to prison and to give longer sentences. The inmate population started to grow. Sentencing decisions made at the county level, by local prosecutors and judges, soon had a major impact on the state budget, which covered the costs of incarceration. Tax cuts mandated by Proposition 13 meant that county governments were strapped for funds and could not maintain local jails properly or pay for community-based programs that administered alternative sentences. Offenders who might once have been sent to a local jail or a halfway house were now sent to a state prison. California's criminal-justice system slowly but surely spun out of control. The state legislature passed hundreds of bills that required tough new sentences, but did not adequately provide for their funding. Judges sent people to prison without giving any thought to where the state would house them. And the Department of Corrections was left to handle the flood of new inmates, unable to choose how many it would accept or how many it would let go.
In 1977 the inmate population of California was 19,600. Today it is 159,000. After spending $5.2 billion on prison construction over the past fifteen years, California now has not only the largest but also the most overcrowded prison system in the United States. The state Department of Corrections estimates that it will need to spend an additional $6.1 billion on prisons over the next decade just to maintain the current level of overcrowding. And the state's jails are even more overcrowded than its prisons. In 1996 more than 325,000 inmates were released early from California jails in order to make room for offenders arrested for more-serious crimes. According to a report this year by the state's Little Hoover Commission, in many counties offenders who are convicted of a crime and given sentences of less than ninety days will not even be sent to jail. The state's backlog of arrest warrants now stands at about 2.6 million — the number of arrests that have not been made, the report says, largely because there's no room in the jails. According to one official estimate, counties will need to spend $2.4 billion over the next ten years to build more jails — again, simply to maintain the current level of overcrowding.
The extraordinary demand for new prison and jail cells in California has diverted funds from other segments of the criminal-justice system, creating a vicious circle. The failure to spend enough on relatively inexpensive sanctions, such as drug treatment and probation, has forced the state to increase spending on prisons. Only a fifth of the felony convictions in California now lead to a prison sentence. The remaining four fifths are usually punished with a jail sentence, a term of probation, or both. But the jails have no room, and the huge caseloads maintained by most probation officers often render probation meaningless. An ideal caseload is about twenty-five to fifty offenders; some probation officers in California today have a caseload of 3,000 offenders. More than half the state's offenders on probation will most likely serve their entire term without ever meeting or even speaking with a probation officer. Indeed, the only obligation many offenders on probation must now fulfill is mailing a postcard that gives their home address.
California parole officers, too, are overwhelmed by their caseloads. The state's inmate population is not only enormous but constantly changing. Last year California sent about 140,000 people to prison — and released about 132,000. On average, inmates spend two and a half years behind bars, and then serve a term of one to three years on parole. During the 1970s each parole agent handled about forty-five parolees; today each agent handles about twice that number. The money that the state has saved by not hiring enough new parole agents is insignificant compared with the expense of sending parole violators back to prison.
About half the California prisoners released on parole are illiterate. About 85 percent are substance abusers. Under the terms of their parole, they are subjected to periodic drug tests. But they are rarely offered any opportunity to get drug treatment. Of the approximately 130,000 substance abusers in California's prisons, only 3,000 are receiving treatment behind bars. Only 8,000 are enrolled in any kind of pre-release program to help them cope with life on the outside. Violent offenders, who need such programs most of all, are usually ineligible for them. Roughly 124,000 inmates are simply released from prison each year in California, given nothing more than $200 and a bus ticket back to the county where they were convicted. At least 1,200 inmates every year go from a secure housing unit at a Level 4 prison — an isolation unit, designed to hold the most violent and dangerous inmates in the system — right onto the street. One day these predatory inmates are locked in their cells for twenty-three hours at a time and fed all their meals through a slot in the door, and the next day they're out of prison, riding a bus home.
Almost two thirds of the people sent to prison in California last year were parole violators. Of the roughly 80,000 parole violators returned to prison, about 60,000 had committed a technical violation, such as failing a drug test; about 15,000 had committed a property or a drug crime; and about 3,000 had committed a violent crime, frequently a robbery to buy drugs. The gigantic prison system that California has built at such great expense has essentially become a revolving door for poor, highly dysfunctional, and often illiterate drug abusers. They go in, they get out, they get sent back, and every year there are more. The typical offender being sent to prison in California today has five prior felony convictions.
The California legislature has not authorized a new bond issue for prison construction since 1992, deadlocked over the cost. Meanwhile, the state's "Three Strikes, You're Out" law has been steadily filling prison cells with long-term inmates. Don Novey, the head of the California Correctional Peace Officers Association (CCPOA), helped to gain passage of the law. He now worries that if California's prison system becomes much more overcrowded, a federal judge may order a large-scale release of inmates. Novey has proposed keeping some nonviolent offenders out of prison, allowing judges to give them suspended sentences and a term of probation instead. He has also advocated a way to save money while expanding the penal system:build "mega-prisons." California already builds and operates the biggest prisons in the United States. A number of California prisons now hold more than 6,000 inmates — about sixtimes the nationwide average. The mega-prisons proposed by the CCPOA would house up to 20,000 inmates. A few new mega-prisons, Novey says, could satisfy California's demand for new cells into the next century.
Correctional officials see prison overcrowding as grounds for worry about potential riots, bloodshed, and court orders; others see opportunity. "It has become clear over the past several months," Doctor R. Crants said earlier this year, "that California is one of the most promising markets CCA has, with a burgeoning need for secure, cost-effective prison beds at all levels of government." In order to get a foothold in that market, CCA announced it would build three prisons in California entirely on spec — that is, without any contract to fill them. "If you build it in the right place," a CCA executive told The Wall Street Journal, "the prisoners will come." Crants boasted to the Tennessean that California's private-prison industry will be dominated by "CCA alone." Executives at Wackenhut Corrections think otherwise. Wackenhut already houses almost 2,000 of California's minimum-security inmates at facilities in the state. The legislature has recently adopted plans to house an additional 2,000 minimum-security inmates in private prisons. Wackenhut and CCA have opened offices in Sacramento and hired expensive lobbyists. The CCPOA vows to fight hard against the private-prison companies and their anti-union tactics. "They can build whatever prisons they want," Don Novey says. "But the hell if they're going to run them." One of the new CCA prisons is rising in the Mojave Desert outside California City, at a cost of about $100 million. The company is gambling that cheap, empty prison beds will prove irresistible to California lawmakers. The new CCA facility promises to be a boon to California City once the inmates start arriving. The town has been hit hard by layoffs at Edwards Air Force Base, which is nearby. Mayor Larry Adams, asked why he wanted a prison, said, "We're a desperate city."
Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America is one of the most famous books ever written about the politics and culture of the United States. The original purpose of Tocqueville's 1831 journey to this country is less well known. He came to tour its prisons on behalf of the French government. The United States at the time was renowned in Europe for having created a whole new social institution: the penitentiary. In New York and Pennsylvania prisons were being designed not to punish inmates but to reform them. Solitary confinement, silence, and hard work were imposed in order to encourage spiritual and moral change. At some penitentiaries officials placed hoods over the heads of newcomers to isolate them from other inmates. After visiting American prisons Tocqueville and his traveling companion, Gustave de Beaumont, wrote that social reformers in the United States had been swept up in "the monomania of the penitentiary system," convinced that prisons were "a remedy for all the evils of society."
The historian David J. Rothman, author of The Discovery of the Asylum (1971), has noted one of the ironies of America's early-nineteenth-century fondness for prisons. The idea of the penitentiary took hold at the height of Jacksonian democracy, when freedom and the spirit of the common man were being widely celebrated. "At the very moment that Americans began to pride themselves on the openness of their society, when the boundless frontier became the symbol of opportunity and equality," Rothman observes, "notions of total isolation, unquestioned obedience, and severe discipline became the hallmarks of the captive society." More than a century and a half later political rhetoric about small government and the virtues of the free market is being accompanied by an eagerness to deny others their freedom. The hoods now placed on inmates in the isolation units at maximum-security prisons are not intended to rehabilitate. They are designed to protect correctional officers from being bitten or spat upon.
The standard justification for today's prisons is that they prevent crime. The rate of violent crime in the United States has indeed been declining since 1991. The political scientist James Q. Wilson, among many others, believes that the recent rise in the nation's incarceration rate has been directly responsible for the decrease in violent crime. Although the validity of the theory seems obvious (murderers and rapists who are behind bars can no longer kill and rape ordinary citizens), it is difficult to prove. Michael Tonry, a professor of law and public policy at the University of Minnesota, is an expert on international sentencing policies and an advocate of alternative punishments for nonviolent offenders. He acknowledges that the imprisonment of almost two million Americans has prevented some crimes from being committed. "You could choose another two million Americans at random and lock them up," Tonry says, "and that would reduce the number of crimes too." But demographics and larger cultural trends may be responsible for most of the decline in violent crime. Over the past decade Canada's incarceration rate has risen only slightly. Nevertheless, the rate of violent crime in Canada has been falling since 1991. Last year the homicide rate fell by nine percent. The Canadian murder rate has now reached its lowest level since 1969.
Christopher Stone, the head of New York's Vera Institute of Justice, believes that prisons can be "factories for crime." The average inmate in the United States spends only two years in prison. What happens during that time behind bars may affect how he or she will behave upon release. The lesson being taught in most American prisons—where violence, extortion, and rape have long been routine—is that the strong will always rule the weak. Inmates who display the slightest hint of vulnerability quickly become prey. During the 1950s and 1960s prison gangs were formed in California and Illinois as a means of self-protection. Those gangs have now spread nationwide. The Mexican Mafia and the Aryan Brotherhood have gained power in Texas prisons. The Gangsta Killer Bloods and the Sex Money Murder Bloods have emerged in New York prisons. America's prisons now serve as networking and recruiting centers for gang members. The differences between street gangs and prison gangs have become less distinct. The leaders of prison gangs increasingly direct illegal activity both inside and outside. A 1996 investigation by the Chicago Tribune found that gangs had gained extraordinary control over the state prisons in Illinois: formal classes at the Stateville prison law library had taught the history and rules of the Maniac Latin Disciples; a leader of the Gangster Disciples had at various times kept cellular phones, a color television, a stereo, a Nintendo Game Boy, a portable washing machine, and up to a hundred pounds of marijuana in his cell. Many of the customs, slang, and tattoos long associated with prison gangs have become fashionable among young people. In cities throughout America, the culture of the prisons is rapidly becoming the culture of the streets.
The spirit of every age is manifest in its public works, in the great construction projects that leave an enduring mark on the landscape. During the early years of this century the Panama Canal became President Theodore Roosevelt's legacy, a physical expression of his imperial yearnings. The New Deal faith in government activism left behind huge dams and bridges, post offices decorated with murals, power lines that finally brought electricity to rural America. The interstate highway system fulfilled dreams of the Eisenhower era, spreading suburbia far and wide; urban housing projects for the poor were later built in the hopes of creating a Great Society.
"The era of big government is over," President Bill Clinton declared in 1996—an assertion that has proved false in at least one respect. A recent issue of "Construction Report," a monthly newsletter published by Correctional Building News, provides details of the nation's latest public works: a 3,100-bed jail in Harris County, Texas; a 500-bed medium-security prison in Redgranite, Wisconsin; a 130-bed minimum-security facility in Oakland County, Michigan; two 200-bed housing pods at the Fort Dodge Correctional Facility, in Iowa; a 350-bed juvenile correctional facility in Pendleton, Indiana; and dozens more. The newsletter includes the telephone numbers of project managers, so that prison-supply companies can call and make bids. All across the country new cellblocks rise. And every one of them, every brand-new prison, becomes another lasting monument, concrete and ringed with deadly razor wire, to the fear and greed and political cowardice that now pervade American society.